Despite President Yahya Jammeh’s rhetoric to turn The Gambia into a donor country remains a mystery as evidenced by the United Nations Human Development Index 2015. With a score of 0.441, The Gambia ranks 175 out of 188 countries.
The United Nations Development Program Resident Coordinator, Ms. Ade Mamonyane Lekoretje, unveiled the report in Banjul on Wednesday. She said the country’s score had increased from 0.330 to 0.441 over the last 25 years. This is an increase of 33.5 per cent or an average annual increase of about 1.21 per cent.
She said that using the most recent survey data, the Demography Health Survey 2013, 57.2 per cent of the country’s population (over one million) is multi-dimensionally poor while an additional 394,000, accounting 21.3 per cent, live near multi-dimensional poverty.
Adult literacy rate is as low at 52 per cent posing significant challenge for the economy to transform to a high value production path. In addition, over 19.2 per cent of children 5-14 years old are working.
Ms Lekoretje said close to 56 per cent of total employed people were classified as the working poor during 2003-2012 while only 10.8 per cent of the statutory pension ages are recipient of old age pension.
The Minister of Trade, Industry and Employment, Abdou Jobe, launched the report. “The report argues that societies urgently need institutional reforms and access to care services to address these major imbalances in paid and unpaid work,” Mr. Jobe said.
Not all Gambians jumped on the caravan of then Lt. Yahya Jammeh’s AFPRC [Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council] in 1994 when President Jawara was overthrown. There were quite a good number of formidable citizens who mobilised themselves and laid down their lives to restore the ousted PPP [People’s Progressive Party] regime in office. Their story needs to be told, understood and chronicled for the purpose of future use.
These gallent men and women planned to launch a massive pro-PPP demonstration opposite the American embassy compound in Fajara.
However, this was thwarted by members of Gambia National Army. On the day of the planned demonstration, soldiers hatched a strategy aimed at outsmarting the already energised demonstrators. They hijacked taxis and started driving on the streets of Banjul, Bakau, Serekunda and Brikama. These disguised taxi drivers lingered around strategic locations where they would pick up demonstrators with a promise to drop them off at the American embassy. Once they got in to these taxi their next stop would be Fajara military barracks where they would be detained and tortured. This was how many of the planned demonstrators found themselves in the lion’s den.
Those rounded up and detained illegally included former Minister of Agriculture Mr. Omar Amadou Jallow, Ousainou Njie of Banjul, Lang Hawa Sonko of Jarra Badumeh and Lawyer Ousanou Darboe. Ousainou Darboe (the current leader of United Democratic Party) who was at the time suffering from eye infection (apolo) was not physically tortured. But the soldiers intentionally placed 100 wats light bulbs over Mr. Darboe’s head purposely to destroy his eyes. Luckily, Darboe was released from detention by night fall.
These tortures were singlehandedly coordinated by Captain Edward Singatey, the former Defense Minister of the AFPRC. The torture team comprised of personal guards of Captain Singhatey and Sanna B. Sabally, the junta’s Vice Chairman who was later arrested, detained and court-martialed on a coup d’etat that was never contemplated.
Other AFPRC Council members visited the detainees and instructed Krubally, an army armourer to serve as the physical training instructor tasked with taking the detainees for early morning running exercise.
The torture team sent two soldiers – Micheal Secka alias Dukakis and Jallow – to the Gambia Public Transport Corporation (GPTC) headquarters to cut hard rubber on the edge of bus tyres. These rubbers were used to beat the arrested men and women most of whom were stripped naked from head to toe. Another soldier with the last name Krubally was sent to bring gallons of petrol and cotton wool. The torture team inserted petrol soaked cotton in detainees’ ears and private parts and forced to bend in front of table and stand fans. The team relaxed and enjoyed how the detainees grimaced in excruciating pain emanating from their most holy body part. They felt like dying anytime the fan blew air, one source said.
Not every detainee was subjected to this horrible type of torture. One female relative of the ousted President Jawara was among those who tasted this hard-to-swallow pill. For moral and other reasons, this lady’s identity will be hidden. Sound of her cries for help filled the air yet she was allowed to suffer in pain. She bled profusely, a clear sign that she might be going through some womanly complications but the heartless soldiers never gave in, insisting she was going through her monthly menstruation. The woman survived the torture, although she would surely develop gynecological problems along the way but her four months old pregnancy baby died. Worst of all, the soldiers who took the innocent lady to hell roamed the streets with pride as if they were not brought into this world by a woman, God’s dignified creation tasked with the noble responsibility of conceiving and giving birth to babies.
Majority of the tortured detainees, including Omar Amadou Jallow who sustained serious injury on his eyes (this is why he wears lenses), were physically tortured. Many died months after their release.
As a human rights and media activist, I felt the need to dig into this very important but forgotten or less understood story. I will do my best to bring more unreported or forgotten crimes committed by our “Soldiers with a Difference.” Indeed, they were soldiers who spoke to us in a language we didn’t understand in 1994. That is the language of tyranny, brutality, disappearances, extrajudicial killings, among others.
Employees of the Daily Monitor newspaper with their mouths taped shut, sing slogans during a protest against the closure of their premises by the Uganda government, outside their offices in the capital Kampala May 20, 2013. Police raided Uganda's leading independent newspaper on Monday and disabled its printing press after it published a letter about a purported plot to stifle allegations that Uganda President Yoweri Museveni is grooming his son for power, a senior editor said. REUTERS/James Akena
(Kampala) – Ugandan government and ruling party officials are intimidating and threatening journalists and activists in an effort to limit criticism of the government, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. Uganda will hold presidential and parliamentary elections on February 18, 2016.
The 48-page report, “‘Keep the People Uninformed’: Pre-Election Threats to Free Expression and Association in Uganda,” documents how some journalists and activists are facing increased threats as the elections loom. While print journalists working in English have some relative freedom, radio journalists – particularly those working in local languages whose listeners are based in rural areas – face harassment and threats from an array of government and party officials. These include the police; resident district commissioners, who represent the president; internal security officials; and the Ugandan Communications Commission, the government broadcasting regulator
“Fair elections require a level playing field in which all candidates can freely campaign and voters can make informed decisions,” said Maria Burnett, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “How can Uganda hold fair elections if the media and independent groups can’t criticize the ruling party or government leaders without fear?”
Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 170 journalists, activists, members of political parties, government officials, and witnesses to specific events across Uganda for the report.
President Yoweri Museveni, who has been in power since 1986, is running for president for his ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party. Dr. Kizza Besigye, who has challenged Museveni in the last three elections, is running for the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC). Amama Mbabazi, Museveni’s longtime ally and former prime minister, has left the ruling party and is running under his party, Go Forward.
Journalists have been suspended under government pressure, and radio stations threatened for hosting opposition members as guests or when panelists expressed views critical of the ruling party. Radio show hosts in Jinja, eastern Uganda, in July 2015, and in Hoima, western Uganda, in April 2014, were suspended after Besigye appeared on their shows.
When guests or radio hosts have made statements deemed critical of the government, journalists have received phone calls or visits from government representatives, threatening them with firing or suspension, and closure of their media organizations. Radio journalists told Human Rights Watch that party representatives offered them money, trips, and training, in exchange for favorable coverage of the ruling party.
Journalists also said that the government’s response to political reporting is having a “chilling effect” on their coverage and analysis of political news and is preventing voters from receiving information.
“I think government intends to keep the people uninformed,” one journalist told Human Rights Watch. “You see, uninformed people are easy to manipulate. Cases of intimidation are prevalent…. As journalists, we are forced to cover up. In the reporting you don’t hit the nail on top. You have to communicate carefully. In election season we see this very clearly.”
The government has likewise clamped down on domestic organizations, particularly those working on human rights, including voter education and oil sector transparency. Staff members of these groups said that, like media organizations, they faced visits from the police, summons by resident district commissioners, and, in some instances, closure of their public meetings. These actions violate free association rights and obstruct access to information.
“What happens here is that organizations are in a state of self-censorship,” one activist said. “They know things are wrong but people don’t want to get onto bad terms with government…. They are afraid to question things.”
On November 26, 2015, the Electoral Commission wrote to the Citizens Coalition for Electoral Democracy Uganda (CCEDU) to inform them that their information campaign, called Topowa, Honor Your Vote, was “biased, contrary to law.” The electoral commission chairman and the spokesman accused the Topowa campaign of being partisan and pushing for “change,” though the campaign was eventually permitted to resume.
In June 2015, the Special Investigations Unit of police arrested an information and security analyst with USAID in Kampala, the capital, for allegedly posting criticism of the president on social media. Charges against him of promoting sectarianism and offensive communication are pending.
In December, the Uganda Communications Commission issued ad-hoc orders to media organizations not to host the president’s former press secretary, who had allegedly insulted the president and members of his family. This type of blanket banning – without any clear means to challenge the orders – violates guarantees of freedom of expression and rights of due process, Human Rights Watch said.
The new Non-Governmental Organisations Act, recently passed by parliament but not yet signed by the president, threatens to further shrink the space for independent organizations. It contains vague and ill-defined criminal offenses for staff members, such as engagement “in any act, which is prejudicial to the interests of Uganda and the dignity of the people of Uganda.” The act fails to define what “interests” or “dignity” mean.
“Government and ruling party officials have a legal obligation to allow the expression of a variety of viewpoints on issues of public concern as the country prepares for the election,” Burnett said. “Muzzling free expression and prompting fear, especially outside Kampala where there is so little international scrutiny, doesn’t bode well for Uganda’s ability to hold free and fair elections in February.”
Source:https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/01/10/uganda-intimidation-media-civic-groups
Beirut) – Saudi courts are sentencing prominent reform advocates, activists, and writers to lengthy jail terms – and even death – on vague charges related to the peaceful exercise of free expression.
Most recently, on December 21, 2015, a Saudi court sentenced Zuhair Kutbi, a peaceful critic who called for domestic political reform, to four years in prison, a five-year travel ban, and a 15-year ban on media appearances. It is only the latest in a series of harsh judgments against peaceful advocates during King Salman’s first year.
“Human rights advocates hoped that King Salman would rein in his country’s repression of peaceful dissidents, but the authorities harass and jail people for peacefully expressing reform-oriented opinions,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director. “The king should put an end to this sustained assault on free expression and release all peaceful activists and writers.”
Human rights advocates hoped that King Salman would rein in his country’s repression of peaceful dissidents, but the authorities harass and jail people for peacefully expressing reform-oriented opinions. The king should put an end to this sustained assault on free expression and release all peaceful activists and writers.
Sarah Leah Whitson
Middle East Director
During 2015, at least six men, including prominent writers, dissidents, and reform advocates, were punished for peaceful expression of their opinions. One was sentenced to death and the others to lengthy prison terms. At least four were also banned from traveling abroad for five to 10 years. Most faced broad, catch-all charges designed to criminalize peaceful dissent, such as “sowing discord,” “reducing the government’s prestige,” and “inciting public opinion.” The Specialized Criminal Court, set up in 2008 to try terrorism cases but often used to prosecute peaceful dissidents, convicted four of the men.
The authorities have harassed Kutbi for his peaceful writings since the 1990s and have detained him at least six times, according to Saudi activists. His most recent arrest followed an hour-long appearance on the television program Fi al-Sameem (In-Depth), on the Arabic satellite channel Rotana Khalejia. Kutbi spoke about what he regarded as necessary reforms, including transforming the country into a constitutional monarchy and combating religious and political repression.
The court convicted Kutbi on December 21, 2015, on a host of vague charges, including “sowing discord,” “inciting public opinion,” and “reducing the government’s prestige,” according to court documents Human Rights Watch reviewed, primarily based on Kutbi’s tweets, writings, and calls for a constitutional monarchy. The court also decided that Kutbi’s media appearances violated a 2013 pledge not to “incite public opinion,” which he made in relation to other writings.
In addition to his prison term, which was reduced to two years, and the bans on travel and writing, he was fined 100,000 Saudi riyal (US$26,634) and ordered to delete his Twitter account and the websites he maintained that were mentioned in the case.
On November 18, 2015, an appeals court upheld a sentence of two years and 200 lashes against Mikhlif al-Shammari, a well-known human rights activist, for, in part, “sitting with Shia” citizens. Al-Shammari has sought to improve relations between Sunnis and Shia and made national headlines in 2008 when he visited a Shia mosque in Qatif and prayed next to a Shia religious leader in a show of solidarity.
On November 17, a Saudi court sentenced a Palestinian man to death for apostasy for alleged blasphemous statements in a discussion group and a book of his poetry. Ashraf Fayadh, 35, denied the charges and claimed that another man made false accusations to the country’s religious police following a personal dispute.
In October, the Specialized Criminal Court sentenced three men to extended prison terms in separate trials. Two of them, Abd al-Kareem al-Khodr and Dr. Abd al-Rahman al-Hamid, were among the co-founders of the banned Saudi Civil and Political Rights Association (ACPRA), several members of which had already been imprisoned for their activism. The third, Abd al-Aziz al-Snaidi, is an independent dissident. The sentences ranged from eight to 10 years, plus eight- to 10-year travel bans. All of the charges against the three men were tied solely to the men’s peaceful advocacy.
In addition to the most recent convictions, more than a dozen prominent Saudi activists are serving long jail sentences as a result of their peaceful activism, including Waleed Abu al-Khair and Fadhil al-Manasif, both sentenced to 15 years in prison by the Specialized Criminal Court as a result of their peaceful human rights work.
Saudi authorities regularly pursue charges against human rights activists based on their peaceful exercise of freedom of expression, in violation of international human rights obligations. The Arab Charter on Human Rights, which Saudi Arabia has ratified, guarantees the right to freedom of opinion and expression in Article 32. The United Nations General Assembly’s Declaration on the Rights of Human Rights Defenders states that everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, to “impart or disseminate to others views, information and knowledge on all human rights and fundamental freedoms.”
“Outlandish sentences against peaceful activists and dissidents demonstrate Saudi Arabia’s complete intolerance toward citizens who speak out for human rights and reform,” Whitson said. “Saudi Arabia shouldn’t be sending people to prison for their peaceful opinions, and these cases certainly have no business in a terrorism court.”
source:https://www.hrw.org
Family Members of the TWO MISSING US – CITIZENS, RESPOND TO FIRST STATEMENT FROM THE GAMBIA GOVERNMENT ISSUED BY A GAMBIAN DIPLOMAT MR SAMSUDEEN SARR
USA – August 11, 2015 – We the family members of the two missing Gambian US Citizens wish to issue this press release in response to recent statements made by a Gambian Diplomat Mr Samsudeen Sarr. He was responding to Susan Rice National Security adviser to the President of the United States of America.
In a statement released by the White House Susan Rice, a former US Permanent Representative to the UN (and now advisor to President Obama) said, The United States is deeply concerned about credible reports of torture, suspicious disappearances – including two American citizens.
Mr Sarr in response to Ms Rice’s statement is quoted as follows “reports of the two missing Americans – Alhagie Ceesay and Ebou Jobe, is nothing but another dubious story fed to US authorities by the enemies of President Jammeh…”
We the families of Alhagie and Ebou, who have been living in agony, who feel the pain every day, are out to present further evidence to set the records straight. The kids who have celebrated 2 years without any knowledge of the whereabouts of their fathers will tell you this is not a story but daily reality as they continue to struggle through this nightmare. The sisters, brothers, cousins, friends and especially the moms and wives of Alhagie and Ebou, will tell you the pain, sadness, tears they have shed is not a dubious story but a reality they wished everyday was just a dream that they can wake up from.
The deputy chief of mission at the United Nation’s further went on to say “Nothing is more absurd than the arrest of foreign investors or prospective business partners going to The Gambia to perform positive work. Hundreds go there every year to invest without incidents…”
Alhagie and Ebou went to the Gambia to invest and contribute to The Gambia economy. The two had a lease agreement for the office space they rented while in The Gambia. Please find attached signed copies (by Ebou Jobe) of the Lease.
Mr Sarr said “There is no record of the two Americans at any of The West African nation’s entry points”.
Alhagie and Ebou left the US on May 14th and arrived in Dakar on May 15th (via SN Brussels UA # 237, Record Locator MV8Y39 – attached). Upon arrival in Dakar, they were told their bags did not make it and will be sent separately.
Their bags were sent through the airline Banjul Bird and the bags arrived on May 19 (see attached bag tags). The bags were collected the same day from the Yundum Airport.
Based on credible eye witness accounts (which has already been reported to the U.S State Department and FBI), Alhagie & Ebou went to watch a concert on the night of June 22 2013. On their way home from the event, their car was stopped and they were arrested, this was the last time they had any contacts with the outside world.
The families hold the Gambia Government fully responsible for the disappearance of the two as the NIA is a branch of the government and the two were last seen in their custody.
Mr Sarr went on to state that “Ms Rice appeared to fall for the same trick of talking about a situation that she is least familiar with.” He further went on to say “Susan Rice should realize that politics from thousands of miles away is not as near the same as politics in the United States”.
The family knows the US government is extremely familiar with this case. Ms Rice is very familiar with the politics of Africa as her initial work in peace keeping took her to Rwanda and later as a senior Director to African Missions. She was later the top African diplomat during the East African bombings.
We hope that if Mr Sarr was not familiar with this case before that he will now be. The family is not the least surprised that such statements are coming from The Gambian diplomat Mr Sarr, based on his credibility.
Mr Sarr authored a book titled COUP D’ETAT in which he narrated in an explicit way how he was being tortured at Mile Two in the mid-nineties. He recently retracted accounts of his book, stating that he fabricated stories against the government of President Jammeh.
To Mr Sarr his life may be full of stories and therefore everything around him is fiction. For the Ceesay and Jobe Family, this is reality with human lives involved. This is not a chapter in the COUP D’ETAT Novel.
We are hopeful that The Government of the Gambia will release Alhagie and Ebou just like they have recently released many prisoners, so that their young kids will be able to spend their next birthdays with their fathers.
Contact: oceesay freealhagieandebou@gmail.com
CC List: US Embassy Banjul, Ministry of foreign affairs, State Department, Gambia Online Media Houses, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Freedom House, Amnesty International, Humans Rights Watch, Senator Harry Reid, Senator Dean Heller.
President Jammeh has done it again. This time trying to gain the confidence of the world by releasing some of his former military friends who were imprisoned on various treasonable charges. There are various theories advanced as to why Jammeh may have come with the release of over 200 prisoners, some of them on death-row. The president’s own supporters have attributed it to Jammeh’s kind hearted nature and claimed that it is unprecedented in human history even though in neighbouring Senegal, over 500 prisoners were released earlier this year. It is clear also that the prison release took place in a period of intense pressure that the Gambian leadership is going through. On December, 30 2014, a handful of Gambian dissidents carried out a daring attempt to capture the president. Their attempt failed but succeeded in projecting international media attention on the state of autocratic rule in The Gambia. The Government of The Gambia also faced severe economic difficulties in recent year following the suspension of donor support from various multilateral partners due to Jammeh’s human rights violations.
Although Jammeh’s supporters tried to make political capital out of the amnesty, it was carried out with conditions attached. First the released prisoners were paraded before the state media to express their appreciation to the president and to hail him as the kind and sympathetic leader, even though many of the released prisoners were never brought before any court of law. They were also warned by the Interior Minister to desist from saying anything critical of the country’s leadership.
However, majority of Gambians thanked God that the innocent prisoners have regained their freedom. But questions still remain about the whereabouts of the many missing Gambians, such as Daba Marenah, Chief Ebrima Manneh and Kanyiba Kanyi. Gambians are demanding that Jammeh’s government provide information on the fate of all missing individuals. We demand the right of families to visit them at whichever prison they may be in.
In addition, Gambians are making the ultimate demand for Jammeh to step down from the presidency. It is unsatisfactory to resort to half-hearted measures, such as the prisoner release, resulting from the mounting pressure the regime is coming under. Such measures are not enough for our country and for the future of its people. They are only meant to enable Jammeh buy time and revert to the dictatorial rule he is better at doing. Jammeh’s resignation will pave the way for national reconciliation, freedom, democracy and socio-economic development that we yearn for our country.
Six Gambian political parties in the opposition have jointly presented
a set of 12 proposals and demands for electoral and constitutional
reforms before a new electoral cycle begins in 2016, as contained in a press release issued on 30 June 2015.The concern political parties are the GMC, GPDP, NRP, PDOIS, PPP and UDP. Below is the full text of the press release:
PRESS RELEASE ON THE 11TH May PROPOSAL AND DEMANDS OF THE OPPOSITION FOR ELECTORAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM In response to the general consensus among the opposition and election monitors of the need for electoral reform in the Gambia to promote free, fair and credible elections, six opposition parties held a series of meetings to take stock of all the constitutional, legal, procedural and administrative challenges confronting the electoral system and have on 11th May 2015 formulated a comprehensive set of demands and proposals for electoral reform, aimed at ensuring the creation of a level political architecture for holding free, fair and genuine elections and have forwarded them to the President of the Republic of The Gambia, The Chairperson IEC, The Speaker of the National Assembly, The Chief Justice, The Attorney General and Minister of Justice, The Secretary General ,United Nations; The Chairman, African Union ; The High Representative For Foreign Affairs , EU; The Chairman , ECOWAS; The Secretary of state, United States and Reverend Jesse Jackson . The following is a summary of the proposals and demands for electoral and constitutional reform to enhance participatory democracy and undiluted choice in public elections.
1. PROTECTION OF FRANCHISE The opposition observed that section 39 of the constitution of the Gambia guarantees the right of all Gambians, who are 18 years and above, being resident at home or abroad, to be registered as voters and to vote at public elections. The right of Gambians resident abroad to be registered as voters and to vote is also statutorily granted by Section 11 and Section 141 of the Elections Act. Therefore the Opposition demands among other things the recognition and observance of the right of all Gambians to be registered as voters and to vote, irrespective of whether they are resident at home or abroad. It is further proposed for general registration of voters to be conducted a year before the beginning of each electoral cycle and supplementary registration of voters be conducted annually during an electoral cycle, comprising presidential, national Assembly and council elections. Further measures were proposed aimed at preventing fraudulent registration through attestation, 2. PROTECTION FROM GERRYMANDERING AND- ENSURING EQUAL REPRESENTATION The opposition noted that section 50 of the Constitution makes provision “for the establishment of a Constituency Boundaries Commission” since 2001 which has been honoured with disregard. The absence of such a commission had led to gross imbalance in respect to the size of constituencies thus negating the ideal situation of having constituencies with equal population or equal number of voters, which alone could give effect to the principle of equal number of persons determining equal number of representatives. Hence Kombo North constituency, which is entitled to one National Assembly member, has 110,000 registered voters, which is more than the number of voters registered in all the three constituencies combined in the Banjul administrative area; all the Constituencies combined in the Kerewan administrative area; all the 6 constituencies combined in the Mansa Konko administrative area; all the 11 Constituencies combined in the Janjanbureh administrative area and all the 7 constituencies combined in the Basse administrative area, respectively. The opposition demands the immediate enactment of the Constituency Boundaries Commission Act and the immediate demarcation of constituencies prior to the general registration of voters, on the basis of the principle of equal number of inhabitants or equal number of voters for each constituency. It strongly recommends that, in the event of any constituency boundaries delineation exercise, the demarcation proposed by The Commission under the Chairmanship of Arch Bishop Tilewa Johnson be given due consideration.
3. PROTECTION OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE INDEPENDENT ELECTORAL COMMISSION The opposition observed that the removal from office of three Chairpersons of the Independent Electoral Commission and other members by the executive prior to even serving one seven-year term and the failure to publish the appointments in the Gazette so that the courts could take judicial notice of them, have undermined the Independence of the Commission and the security of tenure of its members and has also facilitated an overstay of membership beyond the limit established by the Constitution. The opposition demands that all appointments of commission members be gazetted as required by law for all subsidiary legislations and those who have served more than two seven year terms should vacate their seats and no member of the Commission be removed for any reason without the setting up of a tribunal comprising three judges of superior courts to determine any allegation of misconduct or infirmity. It is further proposed that the membership of the Commission be increased to seven excluding the Chairperson so that there is a Commissioner responsible for each of the seven Administrative Areas. In order to instill confidence in all stakeholders and guarantee the absolute independence of the Commission, a constitutional amendment is proposed to make it mandatory to draw members of the Commission from TANGO, The Gambia Bar Association, The Gambia Press Union, the Gambia Christian Council, The Supreme Islamic Council, The Gambia Teacher’s Union, The National Youth Council as long as they function as non partisan civil society segments. Appointments should be sensitive to the principle of gender equity.
4. PROTECTION OF THE ABSOLUTE MAJORITY PRINCIPLE AND UNDILUTED CHOICE The opposition observed that section 48 of the Constitution which was amended was approved at a referendum in 1996 to ensure that a President is elected by the absolute majority to guarantee undiluted choice. The relevant portion of the amended provision stated that “(3) No person shall be elected as President on a first ballot unless the votes cast in his or her favour at the election are more than fifty per cent of the total number of votes validly cast at that election. .The opposition proposes the re-enactment of this constitutional provision before the 2016 Presidential Elections.
5. PROTECTION FROM FRAUDULENT REGISTRATION PRACTICE It is statutorily established and mandatory for every Gambian citizen being 18 years or older to possess a national Identity card. We demand that the National ID serves as the principal document to be produced or an affidavit indicating its loss, defacing or destruction, to determine age and citizenship for registration as a voter. We demand that all those who are registered using an affidavit to appear before a revising court to show their new ID cards or have their names struck out. The opposition proposes that, like the voter’s card, the ID card should be made universally accessible, at public expense for all Gambians 18 years or older. Cost should be involved only if replacement is needed. It is further proposed for the Elections Act to make provision for each registration team to be monitored by two registration agents appointed by each registered political party and maintained by a fund set up for that purpose and administered by the IEC. It is strongly recommended that street names and compound numbers of registered voters in cities and towns and kabilo names and compound numbers of voters in villages be included in registers of voters to detect and serve objections against those who have unlawfully registered as voters.
6 NON INTERFERENCE OF PUBLIC SERVANTS AND THE DISCIPLINED FORCE IN PARTISAN MATTERS The opposition observes that Section 41 of the Constitution provides “equal access to public facilities and the media by candidates at public elections.” Section 222 adds that “no public servant or member of the disciplined force should (a) Allow his or her political inclinations to interfere with the discharge of his or her official duties; b) be a member of, or take part in any association of persons which might prevent him or her from impartially discharging his or her duties; or (c) take part in any activities which cast doubt on his or her capacity to deal impartially with matters or issues which are the concern of his or her public office or which interfere with the performance of his or her public duties. ” The opposition further observes that the Memorandum of understanding between parties makes it obligatory for all parties to “respect the full separation of powers as detailed in the constitution. II. Not seek in any way to unduly influence or use other arms of government for political purposes; III. “Refrain from using Civil Servants and public funds for campaign purposes.” .The opposition, therefore demands that all parties refrain from using public servants, members of the disciplined force, traditional rulers, public facilities and public funds for campaign purposes; that the post of head of the civil service be divorced from cabinet post; that no circular be issued to public servants by departmental heads requesting them to participate in any matter which has partisan objectives.
7. PROTECTION OF SECRECY OF THE BALLOT The opposition took note of the provision of Section 40 of the constitution which states that, “All public elections and all referenda voting shall be by secret ballot.” The opposition has given reasons why the voting method where Polling agents are required by law to sit where they would not be able to know how a voter voted but would know that only one ballot has been cast by listening to the sound resulting from the impact of ballot tokens on the internal baffle plate or device in each ballot box which should emit the same sound to avoid detection, has become anachronistic and proposes ballot papers to replace the marbles.
8. PROTECTION FROM THE ABUSE OF INCUMBENCY The opposition highlighted that Section 208 of the Constitution calls on : “All state owned newspapers, journals, radio and television shall afford fair opportunities and facilities in the presentation of divergent views and dissenting opinion.” ‘ Since all parties are required to prepare manifestoes, we demand that all parties are periodically given access to the state media to explain the content of their manifestoes and debate on them. The opposition proposes the adoption of a campaign period of three months duration to enable the voters to be well informed and create a level ground before elections.
9. PROTECTION AGAINST OSTRACISM OR STIGMA OR DISCRIMINATION Relying on Section 26 of the Constitution which states that, “Every citizen of The Gambia of full age and capacity shall have the right, without unreasonable restrictions- (a) to take part in the conduct of public affairs, directly or through freely chosen representatives; (b) to vote and. stand for elections at genuine periodic elections for public office, which election shall be by universal and equal suffrage and be held by secret ballot;” the opposition observed that it is reasonable restriction to bar a child or one suffering from infirmity from standing for public elections but would constitute unreasonable and unjustifiable restriction to bar a Gambian from standing for public1elections who is above the age of a child and is of sound mind and body. .It recommends for the amendment of section 63 of the constitution so that an upper age limit would not constitute a bar to participation as a presidential candidate. It is also recommended that a Gambian stationed abroad to work, study or for any other purpose be considered to be ordinarily resident in the Gambia.
10. The Opposition endorsed the IEC’s recommendation to the National Assembly for electoral law review to exclude Attestation Forms from the documents that are to be forwarded to the Registration Officers during registration of voters” to determine citizenship and the request to re-introduce the screening of registration applicants by registering officers. The opposition further supports the proposal to mandate the IEC to demarcate boundaries before the setting up of a boundaries Commission and hold Presidential and National Assembly Elections on the same day using paper ballot as the system of voting.
11. TWO TERM LIMITATION ON TENURE FOR THE PRESIDENCY The opposition recommended the promulgation of a two term limit of four or five year duration per term to enhance greater political stability and national peace and security.
11. VACANCY IN THE OFFICE OF PRESIDENT Running Mate or Election Within 90 days The Opposition observes that Section 65 of the Constitution provides for the assumption of the office of President by the Vice President whenever the office of president becomes vacant and by the speaker if there is no Vice president. To ensure that no person becomes president who is not elected by the people we recommend the adoption of the practice of having a running mate in contesting presidential elections. In the event that a vacancy occurs after the running mate assumes office we recommend that an election to the office of President be held within 90 days after the office of president becomes vacant, if the remaining term is more than two years. In any other case the Speaker of the National Assembly would assume the office for the rest of the term.
12. THE REVITALISATION OF THE INTERPARTY COMMITTEE The opposition proposes for the revitalisation of the Interparty Committee to enable it to serve as a forum for dialogue and cooperation to promote participatory democracy anchoring on the level ground required for the holding of free, fair and genuine elections. The opposition further proposes that the Interparty Committee be given a statutory mandate to enable it to foster dialogue on broader Constitutional, Legal, Institutional and Administrative reforms touching on the mandate and operations of the Executive, National Assembly, The Judiciary, Regional Administration, the National Council for Civic Education and the IEC in order to promote good governance, participatory democracy and genuine elections.
