Thursday, 12 February 2015

Open Letter to Prime Minister Stephen Harper on Mohamed Fahmy's case


Open Letter to Prime Minister Stephen Harper on Mohamed Fahmy's case


The Right Honourable Stephen Harper
Prime Minister of Canada
80 Wellington Street
Ottawa, Ontario
K1A 0A2
Dear Prime Minister,
We are writing this Open Letter to urge that you intervene in the case of Canadian citizen Mohamed Fahmy, who has been imprisoned for over one year in Egypt, with a direct request to the Egyptian government that he be released immediately and unconditionally and allowed to return to Canada.  We appreciate Minister Baird’s efforts to resolve the case during his visit to Cairo this week.  However, the fact that Mr. Fahmy remains imprisoned, with no clear commitment from Egyptian authorities to release him, points to the necessity of you now becoming involved.  We note that Mr. Fahmy himself made that request of you yesterday; and we very much agree with him that action from you personally is now urgently required.
Amnesty International has stated that Mohamed Fahmy, and the two other Al-Jazeera journalists imprisoned and sentenced alongside him, Peter Greste and Baher Mohamed, are prisoners of conscience.  Across Canada and around the world, hundreds of thousands of concerned individuals have signed petitions and sent letters calling for their release.  We have written several times to Ministers Baird and Yelich about the case, pressing for Canadian action in the face of health concerns Mr. Fahmy has faced and to work actively for his release.
Prime Minister, as you will be aware your Australian counterpart Tony Abbott has raised the case of Peter Greste, an Australian citizen, in meetings with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi.  President Obama and Prime Minister Cameron have called for the release of the three journalists, despite the fact that none of them are US or UK citizens. We urge you to do the same.  We are convinced that your views and your request will carry considerable influence with Egyptian authorities, and with President el-Sisi personally.
Canadian officials at all levels, in Cairo and in Ottawa, have endeavoured to secure Mr. Fahmy’s release.  After more than one year of unjust imprisonment and mounting concerns about Mr. Fahmy’s health and the conditions of his detention, during which time Canada’s efforts have not yet led to his release, it is time for the case to be taken up at the highest levels of government.  The timing for an intervention from you is opportune, as applications by Mr. Fahmy and Mr. Greste to be deported from Egypt are pending and offer an avenue for the cases to be resolved under Egyptian law.
Thank you for your attention to our request Prime Minister.  We look forward to hearing that you have intervened and made a clear and direct request to President al-Sisi for Mr. Fahmy, along with Mr. Greste and Mr. Mohamed, to be freed.  We would welcome an opportunity to meet with you or your officials to discuss this further.
Sincerely,
  
Alex Neve                                                   Béatrice Vaugrante
Secretary General                                      Directrice Générale
Amnesty International Canada                    Amnistie internationale Canada francophone
(English)


The Human Rights Act

The Human Rights Act 1998 (also known as the Act or the HRA) came into force in the United Kingdom in October 2000. It is composed of a series of sections that have the effect of codifying the protections in the European Convention on Human Rights into UK law.
All public bodies (such as courts, police, local governments, hospitals, publicly funded schools, and others) and other bodies carrying out public functions have to comply with the Convention rights.
This means, among other things, that individuals can take human rights cases in domestic courts; they no longer have to go to Strasbourg to argue their case in the European Court of Human Rights.
The Act sets out the fundamental rights and freedoms that individuals in the UK have access to. They include:

Further information 

http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/your-rights/human-rights/what-are-human-rights/human-rights-act

Burundi: Summary Executions by Army, Police

At Least 47 Killed; Independent Investigation Needed
The Burundian security forces have a responsibility to defend citizens against violence, but that cannot mean murdering those they have detained. It appears that members of the military and police made no effort to arrest most of the men who surrendered, shooting them dead instead.


Daniel Bekele, Africa director.
(Nairobi, February 12, 2015) – The Burundian National Defense Force and police committed at least 47 extrajudicial executions between December 30, 2014, and January 3, 2015, following a clash with an armed group in the northwestern province of Cibitoke, Human Rights Watch said today. Armed members of the ruling party’s youth league also participated in the killings.

“The Burundian security forces have a responsibility to defend citizens against violence, but that cannot mean murdering those they have detained,” said Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “It appears that members of the military and police made no effort to arrest most of the men who surrendered, shooting them dead instead.”

The killings in Cibitoke are part of a broader pattern of extrajudicial executions by Burundian security forces and members of the ruling party’s youth league, going back several years. The victims have included many civilians, as well as members of armed groups and other suspected opponents. The executions in Cibitoke are one of the largest incidents of this kind in recent years.

The limited information available on the armed group suggests its members crossed into Burundi from neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo in late December. Witnesses and military officials described the men as well-armed. Some members of the group who were arrested told Human Rights Watch that their objective was to establish a base in the Kibira forest, east of Cibitoke, from which to “wage war” on the Burundian government.

On the morning of December 30, there was a confrontation between the Burundian military and police and the armed group in the town of Rwesero. Members of the armed group scattered into Murwi and Bukinanyana communes, where fighting continued for four or five days. In early January, scores of members of the armed group surrendered to the military, to the police, or to residents who handed them over to local authorities.

The military and police, assisted by members of the youth league of the ruling party – known as the Imbonerakure – executed most of those who surrendered. Human Rights Watch travelled six times to Cibitoke over 17 days in January and spoke with more than 50 people, including 32 witnesses to the killings, members of the armed group in detention, and local government officials. Human Rights Watch documented the killing of at least 47 members of the armed group by the military, police, and Imbonerakure between December 30 and January 3.

The spokesman for the National Defense Force told journalists on January 5 that 95 members of the armed group, as well as two soldiers and two residents, were killed during the clashes, and that 9 members of the armed group were captured and arrested. Other members of the group were arrested later. 14 were still in Cibitoke prison in early February. The spokesman denied anyone was killed after surrendering.

The first executions took place on December 30, in the town of Rwesero, in Murwi commune, witnesses told Human Rights Watch. “I saw four rebels captured,” one witness said. “They had their hands tied behind their backs. The police and the Imbonerakure beat them. Soldiers were there too…The police were furious and told the population to leave. When we walked away, I heard between 5 and 10 shots.”


On January 1, military and police shot dead six members of the armed group on the edge of the Kaburantwa river, between Ngoma and Rugano hills, witnesses said. A resident who watched the killings from Rugano said: “At around 4 p.m. I went down to the river and saw six bodies together. They had all been shot in the head.”

On January 2, soldiers and police shot dead 17 captured members of the group in Kibindi forest, near Mpinga, in Murwi commune. Witnesses said the fighters surrendered in small groups. Then soldiers and police lined them up at the top of a cliff and shot them. Some fell off the cliff as they were shot, the witnesses said. The soldiers, police, and Imbonerakure pushed the other bodies off the cliff and Imbonerakure went down to confirm they were dead. Imbonerakure and local inhabitants buried the bodies later.

“The soldiers walked the men to a cliff above the road,” one resident said. “Other soldiers in trucks arrived from the main road and came to where we were. They shot at the rebels immediately. The rebels did not have time to say much.”

Residents described how three local government officials – in Ngoma, Kalema, and Murwi – either participated in killings or handed over captured members of the armed group to the police or Imbonerakure, who then killed them. Human Rights Watch interviewed all three, who denied involvement.

“On December 31 a rebel gave himself up [to a local government official],” a witness from Kalema said. “As he surrendered, the local population, including me, followed at some distance. When he got to the local government office, [the official] shot him.”

In Murwi, a witness watched as a local government official handed over a captured fighter to two police officers on January 1. The police officers and a local Imbonerakure then killed the fighter. “I followed the police,” the witness said. “They stopped at a parking area. The population was saying, ‘Don’t kill this man!’ An Imbonerakure was there and he insisted on killing the rebel. He said that to the police and to the population. The police allowed the Imbonerakure to accompany them. He left with the police and we heard shots some minutes later.”

Imbonerakure participated in the killing of other members of the armed group who had surrendered. A witness said that on January 1, she saw a member of the armed group being chased by seven or eight Imbonerakure, near Bambo hill, in Murwi commune. “The rebel saw that there were too many of them, so he put his gun down and his hands up. An Imbonerakure said, ‘Kill this dog!’ and they hit him in the front of the head with a hoe. He screamed when he was hit. We later found his body.”

“The involvement of police, military, and local government officials, as well as youth from the ruling party, would indicate coordination and state responsibility for these summary executions,” Bekele said. “The Burundian authorities should immediately open an independent inquiry and ensure that those responsible are brought to justice.”

The inquiry should investigate the responsibility of members of the police, military, Imbonerakure, and local government officials, as well as their commanders or superiors. Those against whom there is substantial evidence of involvement in these killings should immediately be suspended, arrested, and prosecuted.

Burundian commissions of inquiry into past incidents of extrajudicial killings have often been politicized, with some attempting to shield perpetrators and discredit information from human rights groups. Those responsible for these killings have rarely been made to answer for their crimes. Donor governments, especially those that support the Burundian security forces, should offer assistance in investigating the Cibitoke killings, and the Burundian government should accept such international assistance, Human Rights Watch said.

The US State Department in a February 5 statement said it was troubled by reports implicating Burundian security forces in the extrajudicial killing of at least two dozen members of a rebel group after they surrendered in Cibitoke in early January. The US statement said the Burundian government should fully and credibly investigate these allegations, prosecute any crimes that may have been committed, and hold those responsible accountable.

“Governments such as the Netherlands, which supports the Burundian police, and the United States, which supports the Burundian army, should insist on a transparent and meaningful investigation,” Bekele said. “They should make clear to the Burundian government that they will not continue to support institutions or units responsible for abuses until the authorities bring the perpetrators to account.”


Extrajudicial Executions in Murwi and Bukinanyana Communes

Rwesero, December 30

Local residents said that military and police killed at least six members of the armed group in Rwesero, in Murwi commune, on December 30. “On Tuesday December 30 I was in town,” one resident said. “The police and soldiers were telling people to help them search for the rebels. I saw a man killed… It was on the road. The police shot him and he fell next to five other bodies that were already lying on the road. They shot him in the head, like the others. Some of the dead men were naked.”

Kaburantwa River, January 1
On January 1 military and police cornered approximately 13 members of the armed group in a valley between Ngoma and Rugano hills, along the Kaburantwa river, in Murwi commune. A local resident told Human Rights Watch:
I was on the Ngoma side of the river. The soldiers arrived at around 11 a.m. They were guided by the Imbonerakure. Then another team of soldiers came from the Rugano side…There was a fight [with the armed group]. Soon six rebels came out of the bush and wanted to be prisoners [handed themselves in]… The soldiers said they would take them as captives, but a policeman said, ‘No, give me my gun so I can show you. I will get rid of them’…We were close by. The police had told us not to approach, but we continued to approach. The rebels tried to plead for their lives. One was very young and he said, ‘I am still at school. Call the director, I just did my exams. I was given a job to transport material and I was promised 100,000 to 150,000 [Burundian] francs [approximately US$65 to $95].’ The police tied the rebels’ hands behind their backs. They made them lie on the ground and they shot them in the head one by one… There were many local people who saw this. We are afraid of what we saw.

Another witness said:
I was coming down the hill as the police came from Rugano…The rebels were hiding in a small bush along the river…The Imbonerakure were there too…The rebels were surrounded. They did not fire back, they had no way out, they saw they could not win. The police and military were saying, ‘Come out, come out! We will not do anything to you!’ Six rebels came out, some holding their guns above their heads. Others had left their guns behind and came out with their hands on their heads. The six approached the soldiers saying, ‘Forgive us. We are students. If you want, you can take us to our homes to confirm what we are saying is true’…They said they were 18 and 19 years old. You could see they looked like students… But the soldiers tied them up with their arms behind their backs.
Then the police and soldiers pushed them to the ground and told us all to leave. A police officer said to me, ‘We are going to show them the way home, as they have asked us to do.’ The Imbonerakure stayed with the police and soldiers…I started to move back and I heard a succession of single shots…I returned to see the bodies. I saw two straightaway. Both had been shot in the head. The Imbonerakure were taking photos of the dead.

Kibindi, January 2
In one of the most serious incidents, on January 2, military and police encouraged at least 17 members of the armed group to surrender in front of scores of witnesses, in a small forested area called Kibindi, near Mpinga, in Murwi commune, then executed them. A local resident said:
I was with [soldiers] because the chef de zone [local government official] had sent me to guide them… When we arrived, soldiers [who had come from another location] were shooting into the valley and the rebels shot back. The fighting did not last long and soon the soldiers were shouting, ‘Come out peacefully! We will not hurt you! If you don’t, we will come and find you down there!’ The rebels came out, some in small groups, others one by one, with their guns above their heads. The Imbonerakure tied them up, searched their clothes and took anything they could. I counted 17 rebels.
There were many local people watching… The commander of the soldiers made a call on his Motorola and said, ‘We have rebels with guns.’ The man he was talking to said, ‘I want the guns, but I do not want the men.’ I was right next to the soldier so I heard that…They took the rebels to a cliff. The men were tied up. They shot them, all at the same time. Then they fell down… Afterward, the Imbonerakure went down to confirm they were dead.
Another resident said he had been helping the Imbonerakure and soldiers look for members of the armed group when he witnessed the executions: “There were many rebels deep in the valley where it is difficult to climb up…Seventeen rebels surrendered with their guns above their heads. As they surrendered, they said, ‘Do not shoot, we are coming out because we know we can’t win.’ The Imbonerakure tied up the rebels. The military and police shot the men on the road near the valley. Before they were shot, some of the rebels were pleading, ‘I am a student,’ or ‘I finished school, but I did not find a job, forgive me.’”

A local resident said:
There were many soldiers and police. They were with Imbonerakure who had machetes…The rebels looked tired and hungry. They surrendered with their hands up. They were coming out one by one. Some had their guns above their heads and they gave these guns to the soldiers. As they came out, some said, ‘We are surrendering, do not kill us.’ The Imbonerakure used the rebels’ belts to tie them up. The police and soldiers were yelling, ‘Come, come, we will not do anything to you. All of you come out!’…When the rebels were tied up on the road, the police and soldiers took photos of them with their telephones… They lined them up on the road. Then they shot them all in a line. It was a barrage of bullets… On the side of the road there is a cliff, and the rebels fell down.
The witness described how Imbonerakure went down into the valley and chopped the victims’ bodies with machetes to make sure they were dead.

Human Rights Watch visited Kibindi on January 22 and found pieces of clothing, bullet casings, and a large patch of disturbed earth at the bottom of a steep hill, in a location corresponding with witness accounts.

Ngoma, January 2
Residents from Ngoma, in Murwi commune, said that on January 2, three members of the armed group handed themselves in to the local population and asked to be taken to a local authority. On the way to the local government office, the residents encountered a group of soldiers. A witness said:
The soldiers asked, ‘Are you bringing more rebels from the bush?’ We said, ‘They want to go the authorities.’ One of the rebels said, ‘Let us live and take us to the authorities and we will give information.’ But a soldier said, ‘No, that is not possible’ and he said to his men, ‘Take them.’ The rebels were on their hands and knees, crying and saying, ‘Forgive us!’ The soldier kicked the rebels. The soldiers brought the rebels to an area [nearby] and all three soldiers shot them at the same time. Then they threw some soil on the bodies and left.

Involvement of Local Government Officials
Witnesses from three locations said that local government officials participated in killing captured members of the armed group or handed them to police and Imbonerakure who killed them.

Kalema, December 31
Several residents told Human Rights Watch that on December 31 a local government official shot a captured fighter in Kalema, a small town on Gahabura hill, in Bukinanyana commune. “I was at Kalema, coming from the market,” one witness said. “A rebel was brought there by the local population. He asked to be taken to an authority. He was maybe 20 years old. [The local government official] was there with the police. He did not say anything to the rebel. He told a police officer to shoot him. The officer refused, so [the local government official] took the officer’s gun and shot the rebel in the chest.”

On January 22 the local government official told Human Rights Watch: “Nobody was killed here… It was only the military and the police who were fighting. I was just coordinating between the population and the police and the military.”

Ngoma, January 1
Ngoma residents said that on January 1 two members of the armed group surrendered at the office of a local government official. Six witnesses said they saw the official with the men. The official ordered a police officer and two Imbonerakure to take the two fighters, and he left with them. Moments later, residents heard gunshots. Several residents said they later found the two men’s bodies.

“I saw two rebels who had been taken to the office,” one resident said. “[The local government official] arrived after they were there. He gave the order for the Imbonerakure and a policeman to take them and the rebels were tied up. Sometime afterward, I heard shots.” Another resident said he saw the two men who had surrendered leave with two Imbonerakure and one policeman: “A few minutes later, we heard shots. [The local government official] walked back to his office…I saw the rebels’ bodies. I went there because I wanted to know if the rebels had been killed.”

On January 23 the local government official told Human Rights Watch: “I never gave the authority to an Imbonerakure or to the police to transport a rebel. I never saw a captured rebel.”

Mirombero, January 1
Multiple witnesses said that on January 1, they saw a local government official hand over a surrendered fighter to two policemen at the official’s office. The policemen took the man to a small motorcycle parking area in Murwi, where they met an Imbonerakure. A large group of local residents surrounded the fighter as the Imbonerakure and the police discussed what to do. From there, the police drove to a nearby primary school where the fighter was shot. A local resident said:

A rebel arrived at Mirombero and asked the population to take him to the [local government] office. They took him to the [local government official]. I saw this, because whenever someone was caught, everyone would run and look. The police were calling for us to come and see the prisoner. … After some time, he was put on a motorcycle with two police officers and they left. I saw the dead body the next morning at the primary school. He had been shot. I recognized his clothes. It was the same man I saw with [the local government official].

Another witness said:
When I heard there was a captured rebel, I joined many people at the local jail who wanted to see him. A policeman tied him up with a rope from a mosquito net. The [local government official] was there with two assistants. The head of the communal police was there as well…They went behind the jail to talk among themselves… People were saying, ‘We should have pity on this man because he gave himself up.’ Then he [the local government official] came back and ordered the policemen to take the rebel away on a motorcycle taxi. We all followed them. An Imbonerakure came. The rebel said to us, ‘Help me to ask for forgiveness.’ But the motorcycles left…Everyone at Mirombero later saw the body.

On January 25 the local government official told Human Rights Watch: “If we have a captive, we have to give him to the law enforcement forces. On January 1 I heard a captive was with the security forces, but he was transferred. I never gave a captive to the police. I do not know anything about what you have heard.”

Involvement of Imbonerakure
Human Rights Watch collected extensive information on the participation of the Imbonerakure in the fighting and executions of captured members of the armed group in Cibitoke. The Imbonerakure (meaning “those who see far into the distance” in Kirundi) are the youth league of the ruling party in Burundi, the National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD). They are drawn from local communities across the country, so people are easily able to identify them, both by face and by name.

In Cibitoke, the military and police used Imbonerakure from Murwi and Bukinanyana communes as guides and to transport munitions. Most of these Imbonerakure carried machetes; some carried firearms. Witnesses from Buganda said they saw the military and police give Imbonerakure firearms and transport them to Murwi commune. The Imbonerakure participated in the killing of captured fighters in Mirombero, Ngoma, and other locations in Murwi.

A resident of Buganda said that on December 30, “The army and the police transported the Imbonerakure in their trucks. The Imbonerakure were taking orders from the soldiers and the police…The Imbonerakure are really well known by the population. We know who they are and we know their names. From Tuesday [December 30] to Thursday [January 1] I saw many Imbonerakure making their way into the hills.”

The Imbonerakure have often been at the forefront of human rights abuses against real or suspected opponents of the CNDD-FDD. The CNDD-FDD used the Imbonerakure during the 2010 electoral period to intimidate and harass political opponents. From 2010 to 2012, Imbonerakure members frequently attacked and threatened former members of the National Liberation Forces (FNL, an armed group that became a political party) and other suspected opponents, sometimes jointly with members of the intelligence services or the police.

Threats to Residents of Murwi and Bukinanyana Communes
Many residents who spoke to Human Rights Watch said they did not support the killing of surrendered fighters. “The population is not happy,” one man said. “Even if someone is at fault, they should be transferred to an authority, not killed in front of us. This is a tragedy.”

At least 24 residents told Human Rights Watch that local officials and Imbonerakure had warned local people not to speak about the executions.

A Ngoma resident said: “The local authority and the Imbonerakure are saying, ‘If you are not happy with what happened, you are with the rebels and we will kill you.’”

A resident of Gahabura said: “The Imbonerakure are saying, ‘Be careful. If you speak about this, you will be punished.’ People are scared to talk to journalists.”

These threats continued for several weeks after the killings. A resident of Murwi told Human Rights Watch on January 24: “The Imbonerakure are still threatening people. We had to come here [to talk to you] in hiding. If we say we spoke to you, they will cut our throats.” A Gahabura resident told Human Rights Watch on January 26, “If the authorities knew I was here, it would be suicide.”

Government Response
Despite repeated attempts, Human Rights Watch was unable to obtain a substantial response to the events in Cibitoke from national government authorities.

Human Rights Watch requested meetings on January 20 with the ministers of defense and public security, but was told they were unavailable. On January 27, the deputy spokesman for the national police, Pierre Nkurikiye, told Human Rights Watch that he had been in Cibitoke at the time of the fighting, but that Human Rights Watch should request a response from the military instead, since it was a military operation. When a Human Rights Watch researcher told him of reports of executions by the police, he responded: “We have internal security reports every morning. I did not see anything like that in these reports and I can only speak about what is in these reports.”

Human Rights Watch sought a meeting with Col. Gaspard Baratuza, the spokesman for the National Defense Force, but he did not agree to meet, saying over the phone on January 26 that, “I have already said many things publicly about this attack.” He referred Human Rights Watch to his comments on the public record.

On January 5, an Associated Press article quoted Baratuza as saying: “No one was killed after surrendering or after being arrested.” In a news conference on January 5, Baratuza told journalists: “To say that [some people] were executed after putting down their weapons with their hands in the air, I say and I repeat: the military are professional and know what they are doing. They cannot do that. I am absolutely certain.” He said that if there were any such case, it would be subject to strict sanctions. He said the rules required soldiers “at best to capture [armed opponents] and “to kill [them] if things go wrong.” He said the military knows how to treat prisoners and that high- and low-ranking military members know they have to respect international humanitarian law.

Video footage released by the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) on January 28 showed Baratuza saying: “Those people who are saying that they have seen [killings] with their own eyes, I can’t say that is true… the population was not on the ground.” He said members of the armed group were killed in the fighting and referred to “the principle of reciprocity.”

On January 26 Anselme Nsabimana, the governor of Cibitoke province, told Human Rights Watch that the Imbonerakure could not have fought alongside the military and police and that if any local authorities had participated in or were complicit in killings, it would be “a scandal.” When Human Rights Watch presented him with its preliminary findings on the executions, he said: “I do not know anything about this. This is new to me. This information was given to you by people with hidden agendas. They want to tarnish the government.”

Armed Group on the Congo/Burundi Border
Human Rights Watch has been unable to confirm the identity of the armed group that crossed into Burundi from Congo in late December, or to identify its leaders or supporters.

On January 26 a Human Rights Watch researcher interviewed five captured members of the group in Cibitoke prison. Most said they had been recruited to join the armed group beginning in mid-2014; one said he was recruited in 2013. Most said they had been recruited to work in Congo, Uganda or Tanzania and claimed they were not aware that they were expected to join an armed group.

Once they arrived in Congo, they were not allowed to leave, they said. One said commanders caught him when he tried to escape and locked him in a room for three weeks.

The recruits were based in the village of Mutarule, in the Congolese province of South Kivu, close to the Burundi border. They received basic military training in the surrounding area. They said the training was minimal – in one case, just lasting three weeks. One said he had never fired a gun during training, but was taught how to use one.

The detainees told Human Rights Watch they were sent from Congo to Burundi with the aim of establishing a base in the Kibira forest and recruiting more fighters to prepare an eventual offensive against the Burundian government.

Burundian armed groups have been active in Congo’s South Kivu province for several years. These groups have included elements of the FNL and smaller, lesser-known groups that have taken advantage of the relative lawlessness of eastern Congo to set up bases there, sometimes forming alliances with Congolese armed groups.

Fighting between December 30, 2014, and January 3, 2015
In the night of December 29 to 30, members of the armed group crossed the Rusizi river between Congo and Burundi into Cibitoke province. On the morning of December 30, they told residents of Rwesero they were on their way to the Kibira forest. “I saw men walking by,” one resident said. “They were armed. They had other men with them who were transporting baggage, food, and cooking pots. Some were very young, 14 or 15 years old. Some were wearing military shirts and training pants. Others were in full military uniform. They asked for the way to Kibira and we told them that they were on the right road.”

Burundi military and police engaged the armed group soon after they arrived in Rwesero, and members of the group initially fought back. A resident near Mpinga said that on January 2, he was guiding soldiers on the road when they were attacked: “The rebels shot at us. A soldier’s gun was hit and knocked from his hand. When the shots were fired, everyone fell to the ground. We heard many shots, but we could not see anything. There was an exchange of fire and a short fight.”

Members of the armed group then scattered quickly across Murwi and Bukinanyana communes, with one group of 40 to 50 moving toward Mpinga.

Residents said that local authorities, military, and police pressured the local population to transport equipment for them and to show them locations where the members of the armed group had passed or might be hiding. On January 22 a local government official in Kalema confirmed to Human Rights Watch that residents had helped the military transport their belongings and show them the way.

source :https://www.blogger

Sudan: Mass Rape by Army in Darfur

UN, AU Should Press for Protection, International Investigation
The deliberate attack on Tabit and the mass rape of the town’s women and girls is a new low in the catalog of atrocities in Darfur. The Sudanese government should stop the denials and immediately give peacekeepers and international investigators access to Tabit.
Daniel Bekele, Africa director
(New York) – Sudanese army forces raped more than 200 women and girls in an organized attack on the north Darfur town of Tabit in October 2014, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. The United Nations (UN) and African Union (AU) should take urgent steps to protect civilians in the town from further abuses.

The 48-page report, “Mass Rape in Darfur: Sudanese Army Attacks Against Civilians in Tabit,” documents Sudanese army attacks in which at least 221 women and girls were raped in Tabit over 36 hours beginning on October 30, 2014. The mass rapes would amount to crimes against humanity if found to be part of a widespread or systematic attack on the civilian population.

“The deliberate attack on Tabit and the mass rape of the town’s women and girls is a new low in the catalog of atrocities in Darfur,” said Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The Sudanese government should stop the denials and immediately give peacekeepers and international investigators access to Tabit.”

Allegations of mass rape first surfaced in a November 2 report by Radio Dabanga, a Netherlands-based station. Sudan denied the report and refused peacekeepers access to the town. On November 9, it gave the peacekeepers brief access, but security forces prevented them from carrying out a credible investigation, Human Rights Watch said.

In November and December 2014, Human Rights Watch spoke to over 50 residents and former residents of Tabit by telephone due to access restrictions. Others interviewed included local human rights monitors, government officials, and staff of the AU-UN Hybrid Mission in Darfur (UNAMID). Despite the lack of access, Human Rights Watch was able to cross-reference and verify many individual cases and allegations.

Sudanese army forces carried out three distinct military operations during which soldiers went house-to-house and looted property, arrested men, beat residents, and raped women and girls inside their homes. Human Rights Watch documented 27 separate incidents of rape, and obtained credible information about an additional 194 cases. Two army defectors separately told Human Rights Watch that their superior officers had ordered them to “rape women.”

Tabit is largely ethnic Fur and has been under the control of rebel armed groups in recent years. Human Rights Watch found no evidence that rebel fighters were in or near Tabit at the time of the attacks.

A woman in her 40s described the attack on her and her three daughters, two of whom were under the age of 11. “Immediately after they entered the room they said: ‘You killed our man. We are going to show you true hell,’” she said. “Then they started beating us. They raped my three daughters and me. Some of them were holding the girl down while another one was raping her. They did it one by one.”

Another woman said that soldiers beat her severely and dragged her out of her house. When she returned, she found that they had raped three of her daughters, all under 15. The soldiers “beat the young children and they raped my older daughters.… They put clothes in [my daughters’] mouths so that you could not hear the screaming,” she said.

On two nights, witnesses said, soldiers forced large groups of men to the outskirts of Tabit, leaving the women and children vulnerable to attacks in their homes. The soldiers threatened and beat the men throughout the night.

Since the attacks, the Sudanese government has blocked UN investigators from entering the town to try to prevent victims and witnesses from sharing information about the crimes. Multiple victims and witnesses reported that government officials threatened to imprison or kill anyone who spoke out about the attacks.

Authorities have also detained and tortured residents of Tabit for speaking about what took place. One man, who was overheard talking to a relative and taken to a military intelligence prison, told Human Rights Watch: “They said if I talked about Tabit again that I was going to be finished.… They kicked me. Tied me and hanged me up. They beat me with whips and electric wires.”

Authorities have also prevented free movement in and out of the town. One Tabit resident told Human Rights Watch that since the attacks, people have been “living in an open prison.”

The attacks on Tabit occurred in a wider context of a rise in government attacks on civilians, Human Rights Watch said. A newly created government force, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), consisting largely of former militias, led a spate of attacks on villages in 2014. In January 2015, the UN Panel of Experts on Sudan reported that over 3,000 villages were burned in Darfur in 2014, predominantly in government-led attacks. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported that almost half-a-million people were displaced by attacks in 2014, and 70,000 in the first three weeks of 2015.

Sexual violence has featured prominently in recent attacks on civilians by Sudanese forces not only in Tabit but elsewhere in Sudan, Human Rights Watch said. In November 2014, Human Rights Watch documented widespread sexual violence, often by the RSF, against communities with perceived links to rebels in Blue Nile state. Human Rights Watch has also learned of many other accounts of sexual violence by the same forces in Darfur in 2014.

The UN and AU should both press Sudan to allow peacekeepers unfettered access to Tabit and to ensure that medical services are available to all those in need. The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights should create a team with expertise in sexual and gender-based violence to conduct an investigation into alleged abuses in Tabit, and the AU should support this effort by providing investigators with expertise in sexual and gender-based crimes.

Human Rights Watch also urged the International Criminal Court (ICC) to investigate the incident to the extent possible. The ICC has charges pending against five people, including President Omar al-Bashir, for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide in connection with atrocities in Darfur, but Sudan has refused to cooperate with the ICC and has obstructed its work. The ICC prosecutor told the UN Security Council in December 2014 that she needed substantially more support from the council to address Sudan’s lack of cooperation with the court. The council referred Darfur to the ICC in 2005.

“Sudan has done everything possible to cover up the horrific crimes committed by its soldiers in Tabit, but the survivors have fearlessly chosen to speak out,” Bekele said. “The UN Security Council and the AU should demand that Sudan stop these attacks, urgently act to protect Tabit’s residents, and conduct a credible investigation.”
source:  http://www.hrw.org

Solo Bojang Illegally Kept For 277 Days



Lt. Col. Solo Bojang
Lt. Col. Solo Bojang also tastes Jammeh’s height of arrogance!
Lt. Col. Solo Bojang has so far spent 277 days in illegal detention. Bojang remains detained at the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) detention centre in Tanjai since his acquires and discharged by the Brikama Magistrates’ Court on 12 May 2014, Kairo News investigation reveals.
The erstwhile Commander of the State Guards in Kanilai and the former Manager of the Kanilai Family Farms remains incommunicado.
Mr. Bojang’s family lacks knowledge about his whereabouts. The family has been desperately searching for answers about the reasons for his illegal detention.
Lt. Col. Bojang was acquitted on three of the four counts [abuse of office, supplying false information, conspiracy and theft] slapped on him. He was convicted on supplying false information and fined D50, 000.
Mr. Bojang’s family has since paid the fine but their loved one remains in state custody. 
Solo Bojang’s family last saw him in court on May 12 last year. He was whisked away by plainclothes officers soon after the court acquitted and disthged him. Solo Bojang has since not returned home.  
Mr. Bojang’s case has once again proven the Jammeh government’s entrenched culture of disrespect for the Rule of Law, Justice Deliver and the Judiciary.
Ends

Insurgency In Nigeria: The Legal Challenge By Femi Falana

Introduction: A former American Ambassador, Mr. John Campbell, has predicted that the Nigeria would not survive the 2015 General Election on account of unprecedented political violence . Not a few other analysts have also foretold that the insurgency raging in the north east region would lead to the balkanization of the nation. I am however convinced that the predictions of disintegration of the Republic will not come to pass because of the resolve of imperialism and its local lackeys to keep Nigeria together to facilitate the reckless exploitation of her abundant resources. Femi FalanaFemi Falana
The security challenges facing the nation include armed robbery, kidnapping, human trafficking, terrorism etc. In spite of official assurances from the managers of the neo-colonial State to guarantee law and order it is indisputable that the territorial integrity of the nation has never faced a greater  threat than now since 1914.  In examining the topic of our discourse  we shall review the genesis of the menace of terrorism and its threat to the corporate existence of the nation. We shall conclude by submitting that insurgency cannot be defeated without separating religion from the State and without addressing the crises of poverty, illiteracy and youth unemployment in the country.
The Genesis of Terrorism
It is pertinent to recall that the Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha juntas were associated with terrorist attacks of political opponents through state-sponsored bombing, assassination and arson. The late Chief Gani Fawehinmi SAN was almost killed in 1987 for demanding for the prosecution of the  terrorists who killed  a prominent journalist, Dele Giwa by a parcel bomb. The era equally witnessed the mock trial and execution of military officers who were implicated in phantom coups. Cultist groups were funded on the campuses to deal with radical lecturers and students. Upon the restoration of civil rule in 1999 the official terrorists were neither prosecuted nor disarmed!
The official manipulation of religion which commenced under the Babangida junta has continued unabated. Indeed, it is the root cause of terrorism in the country. Whereas it is stipulated in section 10 of the Constitution that the State shall not adopt any official religion the Federal, State and local governments have adopted the Islamic and Christian religions. In 1986, General Ibrahim Babangida surreptitiously registered Nigeria as a member of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. As if that was not enough, he built a mosque in the Presidential villa and appointed an Imam to man it. Similarly, President Obasanjo  erected a chapel in the villa and appointed  a chaplain to manage it.
On January 27, 2000 the Sharia Law was introduced in  Zamfara state by Governor Sani Yerima. Not less than 15 other governors in the North followed suit. Although the action constituted a clear violation of section 10 of the Constitution it was a political move designed to win votes in a Muslim dominated region. The Olusegun Obasanjo Administration decided not to approach the court to test the constitutional validity of the policy so as not to lose the votes in the North in the 2003 general election. Believing that Nigeria had become an Islamic state many misguided persons set up private militias to promote the policy of the state governments. There were  violent  attacks on Christians while churches were destroyed in many states in the north.  Thousands of people were massacred in ethno-religious clashes.
In 2011, the Goodluck Jonathan Administration set up a Panel of Inquiry headed by Ambassador Usman Galtimari to investigate the insurgency in the north east region. In a painstaking investigation the Panel traced the genesis of Boko Haram and other private militias  to politicians who set them up in the run-up to the 2003 general elections. According to the Committee:
"The militias were allegedly armed and used extensively as political thugs. After the elections and having achieved their primary purpose, the politicians left the militias to their fate since they could no longer continue funding and keeping them employed. With no visible means of sustenance, some of the militias gravitated toward religious extremism, the type by Mohammed Yussuf...
The roots of terrorism, especially in Borno, Gombe, Yobe and Bauchi States, could be traced to groups or associations such as ‘ECOMOG’, ‘Yan Kalare’ and ‘Sara Suka’ which have links to prominent politicians in these States. However, similar to the militant groups in the Niger Delta area, the groups usually grow out of control and become a threat to the politicians that supported and financed them.”
In line with its terms of reference the Committee recommended that the politicians who “sponsored, funded and used the militia groups that later metamorphosed into Boko Haram" be brought to justice. Although the recommendation was accepted in May 2012 by the Federal Government  the suspects have been treated like sacred cows as they are said to be highly connected to the powers that be. Recently, a former Borno State governor, Alhaji Modu Ali Sheriff was named as one of the sponsors of the Boko Haram sect by a Reverend  Stephen Davies, the negotiator recruited by the Federal Government to dialogue with the terrorists. In his reaction to the disclosure the ex-governor threatened to sue Rev. Davies for defamation in Australia .
Unlike the negotiator whose indictment was not substantiated I issued a press statement wherein I provided detailed evidence of Alhaji Sheriff's  links with the dreaded Boko Haram sect. In particular, I stated that the ex-governor appointed Alhaji Buji Foi, a leading Boko Haram member, as the Borno State Commissioner for Religious Affairs to compensate the sect for supporting his re-election in 2003. My press statement was supported by the Maiduguri branch of the Nigerian Bar Association which  threatened to drag the ex-governor to the Special Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court.
As the Federal Government was disturbed by the revelations of Rev. Davies the State Security Service  announced that the ex-governor was under investigation for his alleged links with the Boko Haram sect . But  a few days later, the suspect  was a member of the delegation of the Federal Government to Chad when President Jonathan  met with his Chadian counterpart, Mr. Idriss Derby to review  the war on terror in the north east region.
Insurgency and the threat to National Security
Notwithstanding the sacrifice of the ill-equipped members of the armed forces the Boko Haram sect appears to have gained upper hand in the war on terror. Large towns like Bama, Gwoza, Mubi and Michika and hundreds of villages have been captured by the terrorists. Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced while not less than 13,000 have been killed by the criminal gang. Not less than 16 local governments in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa States have been annexed while the combined land mass of the occupied areas is said to be 21,545 square kilometers of territory. The terrorists have hoisted their flags in the occupied territory which has been named the "Caliphate Republic".
Out of the 276 girls abducted from the Government College in Chibok, Borno State, six months ago, 57 escaped while 219 remain captive. More women and school girls have been kidnapped by the sect. For instance, 60 women were abducted when the sect members invaded Waga Mangoro and Garba villages in Adamawa State last month. (See Punch, October 22, 2014). When Mubi in Adamawa State was attacked about 350 children were declared missing. (Leadership, November 2, 2014). Bomb attacks launched by the sect have killed hundreds of people in Niger, Bauchi, Gombe, Kano, Kaduna, Nassarawa, Plateau States and the Federal Capital Territory.
But despite the increasing deadly attacks of the sect the National Assembly has not deemed it fit to hold a special joint sitting on the threat to the corporate existence of the nation. On its own part,  the Council of State which met in Abuja on November 4, 2014 commended President Jonathan’s handling of the war on terror. According to Governor Godswill Akpabio of Akwa Ibom State “Council was satisfied that the Defence Ministry and all the other agencies have taken the right steps and the President is on course and we are very hopeful that sooner or later Nigerians will hear good news.” (Premium Times November 5, 2014).
Meanwhile, the genuine demand of the members of the armed forces for equipment and payment of salaries and operational allowances is considered treasonable by the military authorities.  Twelve out of the soldiers who took part in the protest against the General Officer Commanding have been tried for mutiny and sentenced to death. Scores of others are currently undergoing trial for mutiny before courts-martial. The concerned wives of soldiers who decried the deployment of their husbands on suicidal missions have been threatened with ejection from military barracks by the Chief of Army Staff.
The Legal Challenge
The arrogance of the ruling class enshrined in section 2 of the Constitution to the effect that Nigeria is "one indivisible and indissoluble sovereign state" has been exposed to ridicule by the terrorists. However, in exercise of his powers under section 305 of the Constitution President Goodluck Jonathan imposed a state of emergency on Adamawa, Borno and Yobe State to restore law and order in the north east region. The implication of emergency rule is that the fundamental rights of privacy of homes and correspondence, religion, thought and conscience, freedom of expression, assembly and movement enshrined in sections 37, 38, 39, 40 and 41 of the Constitution may be justifiably encroached upon in the interest of defence, public safety and public order. (Section 45 of the Constitution).  Notwithstanding the war on terror Nigerian judges have continued to uphold the fundamental rights of Nigerians.
In Babankura Fugu v. President, Federal Republic of Nigeria (2009 -2010) CHR 1 at 10  the Borno State High Court  awarded N100 million damages to the applicant  to atone for the extra judicial murder of his father, an alleged terrorist suspect . In the same vein, in Hadiza Bala Usman & Ors. v. Inspector-General of Police (unreported) the Federal Capital Territory High Court declared illegal and unconstitutional the decision of the controversial police officer, AIG Joseph Mbu to ban the rally staged daily by the bringbackourgirls campaigners.
Since the neo-colonial State has failed to provide for the "security and welfare of the people" as required by section 14(2) of the Constitution the terrorists have overrun  the north east region. No doubt, the military authorities are embarrassed that soldiers vamoose at the sight of the terrorists. But instead of charging those soldiers with mutiny the defence chiefs ought to have asked the Government to comply with Section 217(2) of the Constitution which stipulates that the Federation shall "equip and maintain the armed forces as may be considered adequate and effective" for the defence of Nigeria from external aggression and the maintenance of its territorial integrity.
It is submitted that there is no legal justification for prosecuting soldiers who demand for adequate equipment to fight terrorism. Since the soldiers are entitled to their fundamental right to life guaranteed by section 33 of the Constitution they have a duty not to commit suicide by fighting the well equipped terrorists with obsolete weapons. Therefore, it is illegal and unconstitutional on the part of any court-martial to convict and sentence soldiers to death for demanding for weapons to fight the terrorists.
Towards the defeat of Terrorism
Last month, the Federal Government announced a ceasefire with the boko haram sect and assured the nation that arrangements had been concluded for the release of the Chibok girls.  The Boko Haram sect denounced the so called agreement and has continued to unleash mayhem on innocent people. Since it is crystal clear that the ceasefire was a ruse the Chief of Defence Staff, Air Marshal Barde who announced it should be directed to resign his appointment. More so, that the same officer had  announced, about six months ago, that the Chibok girls were going to be rescued in  a matter of days since the army had located them.
To fight the scourge of insurgency the Nigerian people should demand a wholesale re-organization of the armed forces and a probe of the huge funds earmarked for the nation’s defence in the last 5 years. The National Assembly should ensure that the $1 billion loan recently approved for the purchase of military hardware is judiciously utilized by the Federal Government.  The members of the Joint Task Force should be motivated through training  as well as prompt payment of their salaries and allowances. Those who lose their lives in the battlefield should not be buried in unmarked graves. They deserve to be accorded decent burials in a cemetery reserved for heroes while their family members are promptly paid their entitlements.
The Federal Government should, without any further delay, dislodge the terrorists from the 16 local government illegally occupied by them. In view of the patriotic role of the civilian Joint Task Force in liberating and securing some towns in the occupied territory  the youths in the north east region should be mobilized to flush out the terrorists from their communities. While we advocate that the armed forces be adequately funded we suggest that the federal and state governments should religiously implement the policy on the provision of compulsory and free universal basic education for every Nigerian child. The government should also embark on genuine  empowerment programs and job creation for our army of unemployed youths.
Conclusion
The genesis of the Boko Haram sect has been traced to members of the ruling class who sponsor violent groups and private militias in the rat race for political power. Now that the crisis of insurgency has gone out of control no faction of the ruling class has any moral right to point accusing fingers. They should be held collectively liable for the promotion of violent politics and the manipulation of religion. Henceforth, the security agencies should be directed by the Government to arrest and prosecute the sponsors and agents of violence in the country.
Finally, while defending and protecting  the fundamental right of the Nigerian people to the freedom of thought, conscience and religion  in line with the provisions of section 38 of the Constitution the Government should withdraw completely from religious affairs. Without any further delay, the Government should stop the adoption of official religions and ensure that religion is made a private affair by  all public officers. 
    (Being the Text of the Paper delivered by Femi Falana SAN at the 7th Annual Emeritus Professor D.A. Ijalaiye SAN Distinguished Personality Lecture at the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Osun State on Wednesday, November 12, 2014).
Source: http://saharareporters.com/

Wednesday, 11 February 2015

NIA Still Detains Bed-ridden Tycoon



Yankuba BadjieAgents of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) in Banjul are still keeping in their custody a prominent Gambian business tycoon. Alhagie Kebba Touray, who is reported to be sick and bed-ridden for six months, has been detained for 19 days, family sources told Kairo News.
Despite being allowed access to the Banjul-based businessman, Mr. Touray’s family is still searching for answers about the possible reasons for his arrest and subsequent detention. And to make matters worse, Mr. Touray is denied his constitutional right to be charged, brought before the law court within 72 hours or released from detention.
The case is not in isolation, as it happens at a time when hundreds of people – Gambians and non-Gambians – remain in detention for months and years without knowing why.
Alhagie Kebba Touray was arrested at his Tobacco Road home in Banjul on January 24th, 2015. Spy agents whisked him into their waiting van before escorting him to State House for a meeting whose details have not been made public. The NIA headquarters has become Mr. Touray’s final destination.
Mr. Touray had a brush with spy agents in 2009 when he was arrested and later released. This coincided with the arrest and detention of the former Army Chief of Defence Staff and others. He was released without charge.
Ends