Sunday, 15 February 2015

Bai Lowe,s 13 Yearr Old And Brother Finally Released

The  notorious agents of National Intelligence Agency (NIA) have finally released the 13 year  old Yusupha Lowe son  and Pa Aliue Lowe a 19 year brother on Friday evening February 13 around 9pm. 

According to family sources who spoke to humra the duo surprisely returned released home and re-united with their family  after spending 43 days in detention without family access or geting food and clothings from their loved ones.The minor and his father,s younger brother  were held incommunicado by the agents of the (NIA) National Intelligence Agents since on 1 January 2015 before being release last friday 13 February. They were arrested alongside with Yusupha,s mother Jariatou Lowe the ex-wife of  Babucarr Bai Lowe a former amry warrant office class 2 of the Gambia National army.

 It  could be recalled that the trio were picked up around 3pm at Lamin village in Kombo north on first of January by members of the burtal and notorious National Intelligence Agency (NIA) operatives  who claimed to have got their orders from the Office of the President. 
Source intimated that the boys looked paled, depressed and traumatised after they returning home. Adding that the two boys are students and they have been  missing their classes, friends and members of the family for a crime they knew nothing about. "It is very disheartening to see these boys and Bai Lowe,s former wife suffering for their relations alleged involvement in the said state house attack"  a family friend observered:
It ould be recall that several family members of people alleged to have taken part in the purported state house attak in the Gambia were arrested and many of them are still not heard of. These arrests of kidnaps did not spared the son, younger brother and ex-wife of Baboucar ‘Bai’ Lowe, former Warrant Officer Class 2 of the Gambia Armed Forces (GAF)  a dissident based in Germany and purportedly said to be involved in the 30 December 2014 attack on State House.
Humra also confirmed the released of Madam Jariatou Lowe who spent 36 days in detention. She was released from the custody of the NIA detention on Thursday  February 5 2015, around 8pm.

Saturday, 14 February 2015

Senegal: Chad Ex-Dictator to Stand Trial



Court to Try Hissene Habre for Crimes Against Humanity

This case shows that it is possible for victims, with tenacity and perseverance, to bring a dictator to justice. A fair and transparent trial for Hissène Habré would now demonstrate that courts in Africa can be empowered to provide justice for African victims of crimes committed in Africa.

Reed Brody, counsel for Human Rights Watch, who has worked with Habré’s victims since 1999.

(Dakar, February 13, 2015) – The ruling on February 13, 2015, to move ahead with the trial of Hissène Habré, Chad’s former dictator, is a milestone in the long campaign to bring him to justice, Human Rights Watch said today. 


After a 19-month investigation, a four-judge panel of the Extraordinary African Chambers within the Senegalese courts found that there was sufficient evidence for Habre to face charges of crimes against humanity, war crimes, and torture. A trial is expected to get under way in Senegal in May or June.

“After so many years, Habré’s victims are now on the verge of seeing justice done for what they have endured,” said Jacqueline Moudeina, lead lawyer for the victims and president of the Chadian Association for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (ATPDH). “Getting Hissène Habré before a court is an enormous victory for justice.”

Habré’s trial will be the first in which a country tries the former ruler of another country for alleged human rights crimes.

Habré is accused of thousands of political killings and systematic torture during his presidency, from 1982 to 1990, when he was deposed by President Idriss Deby Itno and fled to Senegal. After a 22-year campaign by Habre’s victims, the Extraordinary African Chambers were established in February 2013 to prosecute the worst crimes during his rule. The chambers indicted Habré in July 2013 and placed him in pretrial detention.

“This case shows that it is possible for victims, with tenacity and perseverance, to bring a dictator to justice,” said Reed Brody, counsel for Human Rights Watch who has worked with Habré’s victims since 1999. “A fair and transparent trial for Hissène Habré would now demonstrate that courts in Africa can be empowered to provide justice for African victims of crimes committed in Africa.”

The decision by the four investigating judges brings to a close the pretrial investigation. During that phase, the judges carried out four missions to Chad; interviewed about 2,500 witnesses and victims; analyzed thousands of documents from Habré’s political police; seized papers and effects from Habre’s two Dakar homes; assigned experts to dissect Habré’s command structure; and uncovered mass graves.

On February 6, the chambers’ chief prosecutor, Mbacké Fall, requested that the judges commit Habré to trial on charges of crimes against humanity, war crimes, and torture, as the judges have done.

The trial will be conducted before a panel of two Senegalese judges and a non-Senegalese judge from another African Union (AU) member state, who will also serve as president of the chamber. The chambers’ statute provides for the participation of victims as civil parties, represented by counsel, and for the award of reparations.

In 2013, Prosecutor Fall sought an indictment of five other officials from Habré’s administration suspected of being responsible for international crimes. They have not been brought before the court, however. Three of the suspects are at large, while the other two, Saleh Younouss and Mahamat Djibrine, are currently standing trial in a Chadian court on similar charges, and Chad has refused to transfer them to Dakar.

Habré does not recognize the chambers’ legitimacy and, through his lawyers, has refused to participate in the proceedings. The court should continue scrupulously to respect Habré’s rights, Human Rights Watch said.

Habré’s trial will be the first use of “universal jurisdiction” on the African continent. “Universal jurisdiction” is a concept under international law that allows national courts to prosecute the most serious crimes even when committed abroad, by a foreigner and against foreign victims.

Habré’s victims greeted the news of his committal with satisfaction.

“I have been waiting more than two decades to see Hissène Habré in court,” said Clément Abaifouta, president of the Association of Victims of the Crimes of Hissène Habré’s Regime (AVCRHH), who as a political prisoner during Habré’s rule was forced to dig mass graves and bury hundreds of other detainees. “We are finally going to be able to confront our main tormentor and regain our dignity as human beings.”

Background
Habré’s one-party rule was marked by widespread atrocities, including waves of ethnic cleansing. Files of Habré’s political police, the Direction de la Documentation et de la Sécurité (DDS), which were recovered by Human Rights Watch in 2001, reveal the names of 1,208 people who were killed or died in detention, and 12,321 victims of human rights violations.

The United States and France supported Habré throughout his rule, seeing him as a bulwark against Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi. Under President Ronald Reagan, the US gave covert CIA paramilitary support to help Habré take power.   

Habré was first indicted in Senegal in 2000, but the country’s courts said that he could not be tried there, so his victims filed a case in Belgium. In September 2005, after four years of investigation, a Belgian judge indicted Habré and Belgium requested his extradition. Senegal refused to send Habré to Belgium, and spent the next three years stalling on a request from the AU. Belgium then filed a case against Senegal at the International Court of Justice (ICJ). On July 20, 2012, the court ordered Senegal to prosecute Habré “without further delay” or to extradite him.

After Macky Sall’s election as president of Senegal in April 2012, Senegal and the AU agreed on a plan to create Extraordinary African Chambers to conduct the trial within the Senegalese judicial system. The chambers can prosecute “the person or persons most responsible” for international crimes committed in Chad between June 7, 1982, and December 1, 1990.
 source; http://www.hrw.org

Stop Massaging Jammeh’s Ego



jammehBy Siray Touray
Since the failed 30 December coup attempt, the Gambian dictator has been pretending to be under siege from his imaginary enemies. He concocted and cooked up a grand plan to deceive the diplomatic community into believing that some western powers have their hands in the foiled coup.
President Yahya Jammeh’s sinister plans will be unravelled pretty soon, for he cannot change direction and style. We have seen the African Union sending him a message of support and that the Chairman of the regional economic bloc Ghanaian President wheeling in and out of Banjul reassuring Jammeh of ECOWAS’ support and solidarity. Mr. Jammeh thinks his never-ending act of shedding crocodile tears is working well for him.
But I want the diplomatic community to pause for a moment and analyse the Jammeh administration’s 20 years of unacceptable human rights record. During the period, Gambians have been and continue to be strangled. These depressed and oppressed Gambians are of the view that their brutal dictator does not deserve the slightest of public sympathy or expression of support. A maniac never changes and the Gambian leader will never change. His Idol [the late Col. Muammar Gaddafi of Libya] never changed until death struck him.
The false narrative that the Gambian government is putting out to deceive the home opinion is a dangerous game the diplomats should not subject Gambians to. After all, the foiled 30 December coup directly contributed to the arrest and detention of over 27 people, among them minors.
Equally disturbing is a publication of a secret court martialing of 7 coup suspects by Kairo News.  The evidences gathered from soldiers and civilians arrested for links to the coup will be obtained through force and probable torture. Such acts are forbidden under the United Nations conventions and democratic norms.
The secrecy that clouded the arrest of innocent Gambians and the trauma people are going through is enough evidence for the world to diplomatically abandon the Gambian regime.
Siray Touray
As Gambians, we call on the UN Commission on Human Rights, the EU, the AU, and Ecowas to stop massaging the brutal ego of President Yahya Jammeh. He is a dictator and tyrant, period. Any diplomatic overtures will be twisted to deceive Gambians. No more crocodile tears for a worst African leader.
Ends
Siray Touray

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Friday, 13 February 2015

Alleged Coup Mastermind Cherno NJie Granted Bail




By Yero  Jallow

Mr. Cherno Njie, a Texas real estate developer, pleaded not guilty to charges brought against him by the United States Government in violation of the Neutrality ACT.

Mr. Njie is expected to leave Minnesota tomorrow by himself and to report to a “half-house” (transition house) in Texas upon arrival. While at the half-house, Mr. Njie has been given the Okay to continue running his real estate business but must utilize a surrogate (third party) for internet related business operations.

Njie’s Defense Attorney argued that Mr. Njie is a businessman without any criminal record. Further the Defense Attorney trashed the U.S Government attorney’s submissions as “mere allegations” and not factually established, that all the Government submitted was a “document” and Mr. Njie is innocent till proven guilty in a competent court of law. The defense attorney also noted the presence of Cherno’s wife and brother, Mrs. Fatou Njie and Ndongo Njie respectively, who flew from Texas to wittiness the court hearing.

During recess, the author of the piece approached the Government attorney for comments, specifically to whether he knows what is happening in the Gambia, to which he humbly answered he was in a low position on assignment from the U.S Government in Washington DC.

U.S Federal Magistrate Steven E. Rau found Gambia’s alleged December 30th 2014 Coup mastermind Cherno Njie legible for bail and decided to release him to his home town of Texas.

At that point, the Government attorney ran out of luck, and advanced that Mr. Njie was the main financial of the foiled coup. He showed a document allegedly written by the coup plotters in preparation for the takeover. That didn’t deter Magistrate Rau who took a longer recess to make that heavy call from the powers vested in him.

The Government attorney asked to be given till tomorrow morning to see if they will move on with appealing Judge Rau’s decision, which shows that this decision favored Cherno Njie. The Judge granted the U.S Government till tomorrow at noon to appeal or have Mr. Njie leave for Texas.

The Minnesota Civil Rights Local chapter showed full solidarity and celebrated today’s victory. Many callers from out of state and heads of other Civil Rights called to show solidarity and to celebrate the court victory.

U.S Federal Magistrate Steven E. Rau has been hailed by many attendees of his court. Many described as him as a reasonable Judge, who won’t settle for Government’s mere allegations. It is hoped and believed by what he demonstrated so far, he will deliver justice, despite the numerous odds against the accused.

Commentators after the court hearing observed that the U.S government is not having the victory they wanted on this case, as argued by the defense attorney that such “document” was not evidence, rather just “mere allegations.”

Others observed that U.S government is setting some wrong precedence by their persistence to prosecute these alleged coup plotters despite the existence of the U.S Neutrality ACT. It goes on without saying that if you are fighting any war, to make sure you are on the right side of history, in this case the U.S Government is not, by fully knowing the type of dictatorship in the Gambia, yet still playing political hypocrisy with it by persecuting people trying to liberate their country from the clutches of tyranny.

Others question if in fact the Jammeh administration will update Gambians on such development. From their track records, it is certain that they won’t.

Said and done, all three defendants have been granted bail in U.S Federal Courts. They can go back to work. This is at least commendable and deserves some recognition. Will the U.S Neutrality ACT law be waived or repelled? The answer is coming to you soon…

Thursday, 12 February 2015

Open Letter to Prime Minister Stephen Harper on Mohamed Fahmy's case


Open Letter to Prime Minister Stephen Harper on Mohamed Fahmy's case


The Right Honourable Stephen Harper
Prime Minister of Canada
80 Wellington Street
Ottawa, Ontario
K1A 0A2
Dear Prime Minister,
We are writing this Open Letter to urge that you intervene in the case of Canadian citizen Mohamed Fahmy, who has been imprisoned for over one year in Egypt, with a direct request to the Egyptian government that he be released immediately and unconditionally and allowed to return to Canada.  We appreciate Minister Baird’s efforts to resolve the case during his visit to Cairo this week.  However, the fact that Mr. Fahmy remains imprisoned, with no clear commitment from Egyptian authorities to release him, points to the necessity of you now becoming involved.  We note that Mr. Fahmy himself made that request of you yesterday; and we very much agree with him that action from you personally is now urgently required.
Amnesty International has stated that Mohamed Fahmy, and the two other Al-Jazeera journalists imprisoned and sentenced alongside him, Peter Greste and Baher Mohamed, are prisoners of conscience.  Across Canada and around the world, hundreds of thousands of concerned individuals have signed petitions and sent letters calling for their release.  We have written several times to Ministers Baird and Yelich about the case, pressing for Canadian action in the face of health concerns Mr. Fahmy has faced and to work actively for his release.
Prime Minister, as you will be aware your Australian counterpart Tony Abbott has raised the case of Peter Greste, an Australian citizen, in meetings with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi.  President Obama and Prime Minister Cameron have called for the release of the three journalists, despite the fact that none of them are US or UK citizens. We urge you to do the same.  We are convinced that your views and your request will carry considerable influence with Egyptian authorities, and with President el-Sisi personally.
Canadian officials at all levels, in Cairo and in Ottawa, have endeavoured to secure Mr. Fahmy’s release.  After more than one year of unjust imprisonment and mounting concerns about Mr. Fahmy’s health and the conditions of his detention, during which time Canada’s efforts have not yet led to his release, it is time for the case to be taken up at the highest levels of government.  The timing for an intervention from you is opportune, as applications by Mr. Fahmy and Mr. Greste to be deported from Egypt are pending and offer an avenue for the cases to be resolved under Egyptian law.
Thank you for your attention to our request Prime Minister.  We look forward to hearing that you have intervened and made a clear and direct request to President al-Sisi for Mr. Fahmy, along with Mr. Greste and Mr. Mohamed, to be freed.  We would welcome an opportunity to meet with you or your officials to discuss this further.
Sincerely,
  
Alex Neve                                                   Béatrice Vaugrante
Secretary General                                      Directrice Générale
Amnesty International Canada                    Amnistie internationale Canada francophone
(English)


The Human Rights Act

The Human Rights Act 1998 (also known as the Act or the HRA) came into force in the United Kingdom in October 2000. It is composed of a series of sections that have the effect of codifying the protections in the European Convention on Human Rights into UK law.
All public bodies (such as courts, police, local governments, hospitals, publicly funded schools, and others) and other bodies carrying out public functions have to comply with the Convention rights.
This means, among other things, that individuals can take human rights cases in domestic courts; they no longer have to go to Strasbourg to argue their case in the European Court of Human Rights.
The Act sets out the fundamental rights and freedoms that individuals in the UK have access to. They include:

Further information 

http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/your-rights/human-rights/what-are-human-rights/human-rights-act

Burundi: Summary Executions by Army, Police

At Least 47 Killed; Independent Investigation Needed
The Burundian security forces have a responsibility to defend citizens against violence, but that cannot mean murdering those they have detained. It appears that members of the military and police made no effort to arrest most of the men who surrendered, shooting them dead instead.


Daniel Bekele, Africa director.
(Nairobi, February 12, 2015) – The Burundian National Defense Force and police committed at least 47 extrajudicial executions between December 30, 2014, and January 3, 2015, following a clash with an armed group in the northwestern province of Cibitoke, Human Rights Watch said today. Armed members of the ruling party’s youth league also participated in the killings.

“The Burundian security forces have a responsibility to defend citizens against violence, but that cannot mean murdering those they have detained,” said Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “It appears that members of the military and police made no effort to arrest most of the men who surrendered, shooting them dead instead.”

The killings in Cibitoke are part of a broader pattern of extrajudicial executions by Burundian security forces and members of the ruling party’s youth league, going back several years. The victims have included many civilians, as well as members of armed groups and other suspected opponents. The executions in Cibitoke are one of the largest incidents of this kind in recent years.

The limited information available on the armed group suggests its members crossed into Burundi from neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo in late December. Witnesses and military officials described the men as well-armed. Some members of the group who were arrested told Human Rights Watch that their objective was to establish a base in the Kibira forest, east of Cibitoke, from which to “wage war” on the Burundian government.

On the morning of December 30, there was a confrontation between the Burundian military and police and the armed group in the town of Rwesero. Members of the armed group scattered into Murwi and Bukinanyana communes, where fighting continued for four or five days. In early January, scores of members of the armed group surrendered to the military, to the police, or to residents who handed them over to local authorities.

The military and police, assisted by members of the youth league of the ruling party – known as the Imbonerakure – executed most of those who surrendered. Human Rights Watch travelled six times to Cibitoke over 17 days in January and spoke with more than 50 people, including 32 witnesses to the killings, members of the armed group in detention, and local government officials. Human Rights Watch documented the killing of at least 47 members of the armed group by the military, police, and Imbonerakure between December 30 and January 3.

The spokesman for the National Defense Force told journalists on January 5 that 95 members of the armed group, as well as two soldiers and two residents, were killed during the clashes, and that 9 members of the armed group were captured and arrested. Other members of the group were arrested later. 14 were still in Cibitoke prison in early February. The spokesman denied anyone was killed after surrendering.

The first executions took place on December 30, in the town of Rwesero, in Murwi commune, witnesses told Human Rights Watch. “I saw four rebels captured,” one witness said. “They had their hands tied behind their backs. The police and the Imbonerakure beat them. Soldiers were there too…The police were furious and told the population to leave. When we walked away, I heard between 5 and 10 shots.”


On January 1, military and police shot dead six members of the armed group on the edge of the Kaburantwa river, between Ngoma and Rugano hills, witnesses said. A resident who watched the killings from Rugano said: “At around 4 p.m. I went down to the river and saw six bodies together. They had all been shot in the head.”

On January 2, soldiers and police shot dead 17 captured members of the group in Kibindi forest, near Mpinga, in Murwi commune. Witnesses said the fighters surrendered in small groups. Then soldiers and police lined them up at the top of a cliff and shot them. Some fell off the cliff as they were shot, the witnesses said. The soldiers, police, and Imbonerakure pushed the other bodies off the cliff and Imbonerakure went down to confirm they were dead. Imbonerakure and local inhabitants buried the bodies later.

“The soldiers walked the men to a cliff above the road,” one resident said. “Other soldiers in trucks arrived from the main road and came to where we were. They shot at the rebels immediately. The rebels did not have time to say much.”

Residents described how three local government officials – in Ngoma, Kalema, and Murwi – either participated in killings or handed over captured members of the armed group to the police or Imbonerakure, who then killed them. Human Rights Watch interviewed all three, who denied involvement.

“On December 31 a rebel gave himself up [to a local government official],” a witness from Kalema said. “As he surrendered, the local population, including me, followed at some distance. When he got to the local government office, [the official] shot him.”

In Murwi, a witness watched as a local government official handed over a captured fighter to two police officers on January 1. The police officers and a local Imbonerakure then killed the fighter. “I followed the police,” the witness said. “They stopped at a parking area. The population was saying, ‘Don’t kill this man!’ An Imbonerakure was there and he insisted on killing the rebel. He said that to the police and to the population. The police allowed the Imbonerakure to accompany them. He left with the police and we heard shots some minutes later.”

Imbonerakure participated in the killing of other members of the armed group who had surrendered. A witness said that on January 1, she saw a member of the armed group being chased by seven or eight Imbonerakure, near Bambo hill, in Murwi commune. “The rebel saw that there were too many of them, so he put his gun down and his hands up. An Imbonerakure said, ‘Kill this dog!’ and they hit him in the front of the head with a hoe. He screamed when he was hit. We later found his body.”

“The involvement of police, military, and local government officials, as well as youth from the ruling party, would indicate coordination and state responsibility for these summary executions,” Bekele said. “The Burundian authorities should immediately open an independent inquiry and ensure that those responsible are brought to justice.”

The inquiry should investigate the responsibility of members of the police, military, Imbonerakure, and local government officials, as well as their commanders or superiors. Those against whom there is substantial evidence of involvement in these killings should immediately be suspended, arrested, and prosecuted.

Burundian commissions of inquiry into past incidents of extrajudicial killings have often been politicized, with some attempting to shield perpetrators and discredit information from human rights groups. Those responsible for these killings have rarely been made to answer for their crimes. Donor governments, especially those that support the Burundian security forces, should offer assistance in investigating the Cibitoke killings, and the Burundian government should accept such international assistance, Human Rights Watch said.

The US State Department in a February 5 statement said it was troubled by reports implicating Burundian security forces in the extrajudicial killing of at least two dozen members of a rebel group after they surrendered in Cibitoke in early January. The US statement said the Burundian government should fully and credibly investigate these allegations, prosecute any crimes that may have been committed, and hold those responsible accountable.

“Governments such as the Netherlands, which supports the Burundian police, and the United States, which supports the Burundian army, should insist on a transparent and meaningful investigation,” Bekele said. “They should make clear to the Burundian government that they will not continue to support institutions or units responsible for abuses until the authorities bring the perpetrators to account.”


Extrajudicial Executions in Murwi and Bukinanyana Communes

Rwesero, December 30

Local residents said that military and police killed at least six members of the armed group in Rwesero, in Murwi commune, on December 30. “On Tuesday December 30 I was in town,” one resident said. “The police and soldiers were telling people to help them search for the rebels. I saw a man killed… It was on the road. The police shot him and he fell next to five other bodies that were already lying on the road. They shot him in the head, like the others. Some of the dead men were naked.”

Kaburantwa River, January 1
On January 1 military and police cornered approximately 13 members of the armed group in a valley between Ngoma and Rugano hills, along the Kaburantwa river, in Murwi commune. A local resident told Human Rights Watch:
I was on the Ngoma side of the river. The soldiers arrived at around 11 a.m. They were guided by the Imbonerakure. Then another team of soldiers came from the Rugano side…There was a fight [with the armed group]. Soon six rebels came out of the bush and wanted to be prisoners [handed themselves in]… The soldiers said they would take them as captives, but a policeman said, ‘No, give me my gun so I can show you. I will get rid of them’…We were close by. The police had told us not to approach, but we continued to approach. The rebels tried to plead for their lives. One was very young and he said, ‘I am still at school. Call the director, I just did my exams. I was given a job to transport material and I was promised 100,000 to 150,000 [Burundian] francs [approximately US$65 to $95].’ The police tied the rebels’ hands behind their backs. They made them lie on the ground and they shot them in the head one by one… There were many local people who saw this. We are afraid of what we saw.

Another witness said:
I was coming down the hill as the police came from Rugano…The rebels were hiding in a small bush along the river…The Imbonerakure were there too…The rebels were surrounded. They did not fire back, they had no way out, they saw they could not win. The police and military were saying, ‘Come out, come out! We will not do anything to you!’ Six rebels came out, some holding their guns above their heads. Others had left their guns behind and came out with their hands on their heads. The six approached the soldiers saying, ‘Forgive us. We are students. If you want, you can take us to our homes to confirm what we are saying is true’…They said they were 18 and 19 years old. You could see they looked like students… But the soldiers tied them up with their arms behind their backs.
Then the police and soldiers pushed them to the ground and told us all to leave. A police officer said to me, ‘We are going to show them the way home, as they have asked us to do.’ The Imbonerakure stayed with the police and soldiers…I started to move back and I heard a succession of single shots…I returned to see the bodies. I saw two straightaway. Both had been shot in the head. The Imbonerakure were taking photos of the dead.

Kibindi, January 2
In one of the most serious incidents, on January 2, military and police encouraged at least 17 members of the armed group to surrender in front of scores of witnesses, in a small forested area called Kibindi, near Mpinga, in Murwi commune, then executed them. A local resident said:
I was with [soldiers] because the chef de zone [local government official] had sent me to guide them… When we arrived, soldiers [who had come from another location] were shooting into the valley and the rebels shot back. The fighting did not last long and soon the soldiers were shouting, ‘Come out peacefully! We will not hurt you! If you don’t, we will come and find you down there!’ The rebels came out, some in small groups, others one by one, with their guns above their heads. The Imbonerakure tied them up, searched their clothes and took anything they could. I counted 17 rebels.
There were many local people watching… The commander of the soldiers made a call on his Motorola and said, ‘We have rebels with guns.’ The man he was talking to said, ‘I want the guns, but I do not want the men.’ I was right next to the soldier so I heard that…They took the rebels to a cliff. The men were tied up. They shot them, all at the same time. Then they fell down… Afterward, the Imbonerakure went down to confirm they were dead.
Another resident said he had been helping the Imbonerakure and soldiers look for members of the armed group when he witnessed the executions: “There were many rebels deep in the valley where it is difficult to climb up…Seventeen rebels surrendered with their guns above their heads. As they surrendered, they said, ‘Do not shoot, we are coming out because we know we can’t win.’ The Imbonerakure tied up the rebels. The military and police shot the men on the road near the valley. Before they were shot, some of the rebels were pleading, ‘I am a student,’ or ‘I finished school, but I did not find a job, forgive me.’”

A local resident said:
There were many soldiers and police. They were with Imbonerakure who had machetes…The rebels looked tired and hungry. They surrendered with their hands up. They were coming out one by one. Some had their guns above their heads and they gave these guns to the soldiers. As they came out, some said, ‘We are surrendering, do not kill us.’ The Imbonerakure used the rebels’ belts to tie them up. The police and soldiers were yelling, ‘Come, come, we will not do anything to you. All of you come out!’…When the rebels were tied up on the road, the police and soldiers took photos of them with their telephones… They lined them up on the road. Then they shot them all in a line. It was a barrage of bullets… On the side of the road there is a cliff, and the rebels fell down.
The witness described how Imbonerakure went down into the valley and chopped the victims’ bodies with machetes to make sure they were dead.

Human Rights Watch visited Kibindi on January 22 and found pieces of clothing, bullet casings, and a large patch of disturbed earth at the bottom of a steep hill, in a location corresponding with witness accounts.

Ngoma, January 2
Residents from Ngoma, in Murwi commune, said that on January 2, three members of the armed group handed themselves in to the local population and asked to be taken to a local authority. On the way to the local government office, the residents encountered a group of soldiers. A witness said:
The soldiers asked, ‘Are you bringing more rebels from the bush?’ We said, ‘They want to go the authorities.’ One of the rebels said, ‘Let us live and take us to the authorities and we will give information.’ But a soldier said, ‘No, that is not possible’ and he said to his men, ‘Take them.’ The rebels were on their hands and knees, crying and saying, ‘Forgive us!’ The soldier kicked the rebels. The soldiers brought the rebels to an area [nearby] and all three soldiers shot them at the same time. Then they threw some soil on the bodies and left.

Involvement of Local Government Officials
Witnesses from three locations said that local government officials participated in killing captured members of the armed group or handed them to police and Imbonerakure who killed them.

Kalema, December 31
Several residents told Human Rights Watch that on December 31 a local government official shot a captured fighter in Kalema, a small town on Gahabura hill, in Bukinanyana commune. “I was at Kalema, coming from the market,” one witness said. “A rebel was brought there by the local population. He asked to be taken to an authority. He was maybe 20 years old. [The local government official] was there with the police. He did not say anything to the rebel. He told a police officer to shoot him. The officer refused, so [the local government official] took the officer’s gun and shot the rebel in the chest.”

On January 22 the local government official told Human Rights Watch: “Nobody was killed here… It was only the military and the police who were fighting. I was just coordinating between the population and the police and the military.”

Ngoma, January 1
Ngoma residents said that on January 1 two members of the armed group surrendered at the office of a local government official. Six witnesses said they saw the official with the men. The official ordered a police officer and two Imbonerakure to take the two fighters, and he left with them. Moments later, residents heard gunshots. Several residents said they later found the two men’s bodies.

“I saw two rebels who had been taken to the office,” one resident said. “[The local government official] arrived after they were there. He gave the order for the Imbonerakure and a policeman to take them and the rebels were tied up. Sometime afterward, I heard shots.” Another resident said he saw the two men who had surrendered leave with two Imbonerakure and one policeman: “A few minutes later, we heard shots. [The local government official] walked back to his office…I saw the rebels’ bodies. I went there because I wanted to know if the rebels had been killed.”

On January 23 the local government official told Human Rights Watch: “I never gave the authority to an Imbonerakure or to the police to transport a rebel. I never saw a captured rebel.”

Mirombero, January 1
Multiple witnesses said that on January 1, they saw a local government official hand over a surrendered fighter to two policemen at the official’s office. The policemen took the man to a small motorcycle parking area in Murwi, where they met an Imbonerakure. A large group of local residents surrounded the fighter as the Imbonerakure and the police discussed what to do. From there, the police drove to a nearby primary school where the fighter was shot. A local resident said:

A rebel arrived at Mirombero and asked the population to take him to the [local government] office. They took him to the [local government official]. I saw this, because whenever someone was caught, everyone would run and look. The police were calling for us to come and see the prisoner. … After some time, he was put on a motorcycle with two police officers and they left. I saw the dead body the next morning at the primary school. He had been shot. I recognized his clothes. It was the same man I saw with [the local government official].

Another witness said:
When I heard there was a captured rebel, I joined many people at the local jail who wanted to see him. A policeman tied him up with a rope from a mosquito net. The [local government official] was there with two assistants. The head of the communal police was there as well…They went behind the jail to talk among themselves… People were saying, ‘We should have pity on this man because he gave himself up.’ Then he [the local government official] came back and ordered the policemen to take the rebel away on a motorcycle taxi. We all followed them. An Imbonerakure came. The rebel said to us, ‘Help me to ask for forgiveness.’ But the motorcycles left…Everyone at Mirombero later saw the body.

On January 25 the local government official told Human Rights Watch: “If we have a captive, we have to give him to the law enforcement forces. On January 1 I heard a captive was with the security forces, but he was transferred. I never gave a captive to the police. I do not know anything about what you have heard.”

Involvement of Imbonerakure
Human Rights Watch collected extensive information on the participation of the Imbonerakure in the fighting and executions of captured members of the armed group in Cibitoke. The Imbonerakure (meaning “those who see far into the distance” in Kirundi) are the youth league of the ruling party in Burundi, the National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD). They are drawn from local communities across the country, so people are easily able to identify them, both by face and by name.

In Cibitoke, the military and police used Imbonerakure from Murwi and Bukinanyana communes as guides and to transport munitions. Most of these Imbonerakure carried machetes; some carried firearms. Witnesses from Buganda said they saw the military and police give Imbonerakure firearms and transport them to Murwi commune. The Imbonerakure participated in the killing of captured fighters in Mirombero, Ngoma, and other locations in Murwi.

A resident of Buganda said that on December 30, “The army and the police transported the Imbonerakure in their trucks. The Imbonerakure were taking orders from the soldiers and the police…The Imbonerakure are really well known by the population. We know who they are and we know their names. From Tuesday [December 30] to Thursday [January 1] I saw many Imbonerakure making their way into the hills.”

The Imbonerakure have often been at the forefront of human rights abuses against real or suspected opponents of the CNDD-FDD. The CNDD-FDD used the Imbonerakure during the 2010 electoral period to intimidate and harass political opponents. From 2010 to 2012, Imbonerakure members frequently attacked and threatened former members of the National Liberation Forces (FNL, an armed group that became a political party) and other suspected opponents, sometimes jointly with members of the intelligence services or the police.

Threats to Residents of Murwi and Bukinanyana Communes
Many residents who spoke to Human Rights Watch said they did not support the killing of surrendered fighters. “The population is not happy,” one man said. “Even if someone is at fault, they should be transferred to an authority, not killed in front of us. This is a tragedy.”

At least 24 residents told Human Rights Watch that local officials and Imbonerakure had warned local people not to speak about the executions.

A Ngoma resident said: “The local authority and the Imbonerakure are saying, ‘If you are not happy with what happened, you are with the rebels and we will kill you.’”

A resident of Gahabura said: “The Imbonerakure are saying, ‘Be careful. If you speak about this, you will be punished.’ People are scared to talk to journalists.”

These threats continued for several weeks after the killings. A resident of Murwi told Human Rights Watch on January 24: “The Imbonerakure are still threatening people. We had to come here [to talk to you] in hiding. If we say we spoke to you, they will cut our throats.” A Gahabura resident told Human Rights Watch on January 26, “If the authorities knew I was here, it would be suicide.”

Government Response
Despite repeated attempts, Human Rights Watch was unable to obtain a substantial response to the events in Cibitoke from national government authorities.

Human Rights Watch requested meetings on January 20 with the ministers of defense and public security, but was told they were unavailable. On January 27, the deputy spokesman for the national police, Pierre Nkurikiye, told Human Rights Watch that he had been in Cibitoke at the time of the fighting, but that Human Rights Watch should request a response from the military instead, since it was a military operation. When a Human Rights Watch researcher told him of reports of executions by the police, he responded: “We have internal security reports every morning. I did not see anything like that in these reports and I can only speak about what is in these reports.”

Human Rights Watch sought a meeting with Col. Gaspard Baratuza, the spokesman for the National Defense Force, but he did not agree to meet, saying over the phone on January 26 that, “I have already said many things publicly about this attack.” He referred Human Rights Watch to his comments on the public record.

On January 5, an Associated Press article quoted Baratuza as saying: “No one was killed after surrendering or after being arrested.” In a news conference on January 5, Baratuza told journalists: “To say that [some people] were executed after putting down their weapons with their hands in the air, I say and I repeat: the military are professional and know what they are doing. They cannot do that. I am absolutely certain.” He said that if there were any such case, it would be subject to strict sanctions. He said the rules required soldiers “at best to capture [armed opponents] and “to kill [them] if things go wrong.” He said the military knows how to treat prisoners and that high- and low-ranking military members know they have to respect international humanitarian law.

Video footage released by the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) on January 28 showed Baratuza saying: “Those people who are saying that they have seen [killings] with their own eyes, I can’t say that is true… the population was not on the ground.” He said members of the armed group were killed in the fighting and referred to “the principle of reciprocity.”

On January 26 Anselme Nsabimana, the governor of Cibitoke province, told Human Rights Watch that the Imbonerakure could not have fought alongside the military and police and that if any local authorities had participated in or were complicit in killings, it would be “a scandal.” When Human Rights Watch presented him with its preliminary findings on the executions, he said: “I do not know anything about this. This is new to me. This information was given to you by people with hidden agendas. They want to tarnish the government.”

Armed Group on the Congo/Burundi Border
Human Rights Watch has been unable to confirm the identity of the armed group that crossed into Burundi from Congo in late December, or to identify its leaders or supporters.

On January 26 a Human Rights Watch researcher interviewed five captured members of the group in Cibitoke prison. Most said they had been recruited to join the armed group beginning in mid-2014; one said he was recruited in 2013. Most said they had been recruited to work in Congo, Uganda or Tanzania and claimed they were not aware that they were expected to join an armed group.

Once they arrived in Congo, they were not allowed to leave, they said. One said commanders caught him when he tried to escape and locked him in a room for three weeks.

The recruits were based in the village of Mutarule, in the Congolese province of South Kivu, close to the Burundi border. They received basic military training in the surrounding area. They said the training was minimal – in one case, just lasting three weeks. One said he had never fired a gun during training, but was taught how to use one.

The detainees told Human Rights Watch they were sent from Congo to Burundi with the aim of establishing a base in the Kibira forest and recruiting more fighters to prepare an eventual offensive against the Burundian government.

Burundian armed groups have been active in Congo’s South Kivu province for several years. These groups have included elements of the FNL and smaller, lesser-known groups that have taken advantage of the relative lawlessness of eastern Congo to set up bases there, sometimes forming alliances with Congolese armed groups.

Fighting between December 30, 2014, and January 3, 2015
In the night of December 29 to 30, members of the armed group crossed the Rusizi river between Congo and Burundi into Cibitoke province. On the morning of December 30, they told residents of Rwesero they were on their way to the Kibira forest. “I saw men walking by,” one resident said. “They were armed. They had other men with them who were transporting baggage, food, and cooking pots. Some were very young, 14 or 15 years old. Some were wearing military shirts and training pants. Others were in full military uniform. They asked for the way to Kibira and we told them that they were on the right road.”

Burundi military and police engaged the armed group soon after they arrived in Rwesero, and members of the group initially fought back. A resident near Mpinga said that on January 2, he was guiding soldiers on the road when they were attacked: “The rebels shot at us. A soldier’s gun was hit and knocked from his hand. When the shots were fired, everyone fell to the ground. We heard many shots, but we could not see anything. There was an exchange of fire and a short fight.”

Members of the armed group then scattered quickly across Murwi and Bukinanyana communes, with one group of 40 to 50 moving toward Mpinga.

Residents said that local authorities, military, and police pressured the local population to transport equipment for them and to show them locations where the members of the armed group had passed or might be hiding. On January 22 a local government official in Kalema confirmed to Human Rights Watch that residents had helped the military transport their belongings and show them the way.

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