Saturday, 18 April 2015

PDOIS Chips Into UDP Standoff

3678_fepBrqOOtTiug-y1XV01ovin2nOO8P6Q8wNy4kUqzfXGtmYWPTCBkcgwkDN9foiWiCeODiBog5weSdf83Zzpmkb0_eBMPfgIO5b=w354-h480-ncPDOIS STATEMENT ON THE ISSUING OF PERMITS IN CONNECTION WITH POLITICAL ACTIVITIES
The UDP Caravan Does Not
Pose Any Security Threat
      Leave It To Go  or Provide  Them With A Permit to Have Normal Rallies
Issued By  Halifa Sallah
On Behalf Of The Central Committee
Political parties are instruments of leadership. They have to employ strategies and tactics which are dictated by times and circumstances to attain their aims and objectives.
Opposition parties have been criticised for waiting until the campaign period to go to the people. No one in the world would understand why a Caravan of few dozen political activists would be blocked from proceeding with a 10 day Nationwide tour when they have even forgone the use of a public address system.
The UDP leader considers the delay in issuing a permit a denial. This is his impression even if the police hold the contrary. It is equally clear that his decision to proceed with his tour is to avoid breaking the expectation of his supporters.
The point is made. There is now an impasse. The state could have allayed the fears of the UDP leader of foul play by simply allowing the Caravan  to proceed while prevailing on them to leave someone behind to meet all the terms required by the police  to prepare a permit.  This would have restored confidence and  thus  prevent any obstruction in exercising their right to move about to propagate the policies of their party.
What is essential now is to look for swift remedies which will give assurance to the UDP membership that they are free to propagate the values, Policies and programmes of the party and the candidates of their choice without fear.
Our findings during the impasse experienced by the UDP in getting a permit to celebrate its 18thanniversary revealed that some members of the party were given the impression that they cannot go about and promote the interest of their party without being subjected to arbitrary arrest and detention. This notion needs to be obliterated since it  is detrimental to the very survival of the party and the very existence of a genuine multi party system in this country.
Section 25(e) of the Constitution indicates among other things that “every person shall have the right to freedom of association including freedom to form and join associations and unions, including political parties and trade unions.”
Furthermore, Section 103A of the Elections Act states that: “Subject to the provisions of this part political parties may be established to –
  • participate in the shaping of the political will of the people;
  • disseminate information of political ideas and on political, economic and social programmes of national character; and

  1. sponsor candidates for public elections.
Section 104A subsection 3 adds that,
The number of political parties shall not be limited by law and every citizen of The Gambia shall have the right freely to choose whether or not she becomes a member of a political party and which party he or she supports.”
No political party could exercise the right enshrined in the constitution and amplified by the Elections Act unless the state provides an environment that is conducive for political parties to propagate their policies, programmes and candidates to enable the people to make a choice.
The obstacle which impedes and obstructs the exercise of rights and freedoms by the UDP to reach the electorate is the delay in the issuing of permits.
The task now is to take concerted action to ensure that the UDP gets a permit to continue its tour without any obstruction.  PDOIS will contribute its quota in furthering the attainment of such an objective.
The End

Fear Overwhelms Gambia

JammehBy Yaya Dampha
The Gambia has become a place where citizens and those living in the country are not guaranteed the rights to security of persons and properties. Although these are guaranteed by both the Gambian constitution and international laws. Human rights reports illustrate how rights violations are perpetrated by the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), army and the police against real and perceived opponents of the government on routine basis. It demonstrates that once people are in custody of the government, they are susceptible to a whole range of human rights violations, including unlawful detention, torture while in detention, unfair trials, enforced disappearance and extrajudicial executions.
The Gambian constitution provides for a participatory democracy, the separation of powers and national Assembly. Chapter IV of the constitution provides for the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms including the right to life, privacy and personal liberty; protection from slavery and forced labour; protection from torture and inhuman treatment; freedom of speech, conscience, assembly association and movement; and protection from discrimination.
In March and April 2006, Gambian security officers rounded up dozens of people from their homes, at their work and in the streets, accusing them of being involved or had knowledge of the March 21st purported coup. Many were held incommunicado or solitary confinement for weeks and months despite the requirements under the Gambian constitution that they should be brought before a court within 72 hours of their arrest. None of them had access to a lawyer or their family members. 21 out of the 66 confirmed arrested civilians and military officers were later prosecuted. Five out of the 66 were extra judicially executed. Those executed were former NIA director General Daba Marenah, Lieutenant Ebou Lowe, 2nd Lieutenant Alieu Ceesay, Regimental Sergent Major Alpha Bah, and Staff Sergent Malafi Corr.
This tells us that what has been happening since the December 30 debacle is nothing new under the dictatorial rule of President Yahya Jammeh. In March 2006, the pregnant wife of former Colonel Ndure Cham was arrested along with two of his nephews Mustapha and Alieu Lowe. Awa Darboe lost her pregnancy under detention due to torture while Mustapha Lowe was later released because he was student at Gambia College and his detention received a high media exposure and both local and international human rights groups called for his released. Though he was continuously harassed and threatened to a point that he was forced to go into exile. His brother Alieu Lowe is still in prison.
The arrests of Meta Njie, the mother of late Lamin Sanneh who was allegedly killed during the alleged state house attack on December 30, 2014, and parents and relatives of suspects in the attack is a total violation of their rights to security; liberty, freedom and justice.
The arbitrary nature with which unlawful arrests and detention are carried out leave very few Gambians free from the risk of becoming victims of human rights violations. The deterioration of human rights situation in the Gambia demonstrates that all Gambians are at risk and may be subjected to unlawful arrests and detention. This includes all from those close allies of the government, employees, military people, police, the opposition, human rights defenders and journalists.
Family members and relatives are reluctant to talk to the press and human rights defenders when someone disappears, they rarely seek legal services or challenge the government in courts. Human rights organizations within the country are silent and judges’ efforts to exercise their independence are met with sackings. The judiciary has lost its independence and its ability to serve the Gambian people for fear of reprisals against them and their families. Lawyers are increasingly reluctant to take sensitive cases leaving few or no option for those wishing to exercise their rights. All out of fear. So the Gambia today is overwhelmed and ruled by fear.
Ends

Monday, 13 April 2015

No Justice For Fallen Students

Omar Barrow
Omar Barrow is gone but will never be forgotten
FIFTEEN YEARS HAS GONE, WHEN 14 INNOCENT STUDENTS PLUS A RED CROSS VOLUNTEER AND A THREE-YEAR OLD CHILD WERE BRUTALLY MASSACRED IN COLD BLOOD BY THE POLICE INTERVENTION UNIT (PIU) OF THE GAMBIA, AND YET STILL NO JUSTICE HAS BEEN TAKEN PLACE !!!
By Lamin Saddam Sanyang, The Netherlands
Fifteen years ago April on the 10th and 11th 2000 were among the darkest days of our smiling coast. April 10th was the day when unarmed students in the Greater Banjul Area, under the leadership of the Gambia Students Union (GAMSU) decided to stage a peaceful demonstration against a host of grievances including the alleged beating to death of their colleague Ebrima Barry by the officers of the Brikama Fire services, as well the alleged raping of a thirteen-year-old student girl by a member of the security forces at the independent stadium, where an annual inter-schools sports competition was taking place, and five soldiers of the 2nd Battalion were also responsible for the death of two students at Brikamaba.
Ebrima was taken to the station, where his head was shaved, he was beaten, he was forced to carry heavy bags of cement, stripped him naked, poured cement on him, and finally put cement in his mouth and forced him to swallow. Ebrima Barry went home that night and the following day he died from injury. Their peaceful demonstration was violently suppressed by the Gambia security forces whereby fourteen students plus a red cross volunteer and a three old child were brutally killed by President Yahya Jammeh’s henchmen and several others were injured and some maimed for the rest of their lives. The students did not back down upon viewing the violent response of government to the protest of their colleagues in the greater Banjul area, several rural towns also launched their protests on the following day april the 11th 2000, they were violently harassed and several hundreds of students were detained country wide.
The only crime these innocent young students committed, if they committed one, was peacefully demonstrating their civil, democratic and constitutional rights. Those unarmed and powerless students supposed to be the tomorrow leaders of our country. Their rights and lives were deliberately taken away from them without giving them the chance to face justice.
At the day of the demonstration, President Jammeh was out of country. He was called and inform by his vice President Isatou Njie Saidy. The saddest part of the story was the exact words that came out of the stinking mouth of President Jammeh was, GO AND KILL THOSE BASTARDS !!! This is the way President Jammeh ordered to massacre the innocents feature leaders of our country. And yet still you are going around the world telling people that you care about Gambia and her people. How can you murdered our future leaders like an ants and going around and said that you cares The Gambia and her people? You idiot!!!
Mr. President, you are nothing but a pathological liar, and all what you represent and stand for, is selfishness and betrayal to oath.
According to the constitution of the second republic of the Gambia, those students did not committed any crime. Because our constitution says:
25. FREEDOM OF SPEECH, CONSCIENCE, ASSEMBLY, ASSOCIATION AND MOVEMENT.
(1) Every person shall have the right to –
(a) freedom of speech and expression, which include freedom of the press and other media.
(b) freedom of thought, conscience and belief, which shall include academic
freedom.
(c) freedom to practice any religion and to manifest such practice.
(d) freedom to assemble and demonstrate peaceably and without arms.

Mr. President, you and your bunch of criminal, have you ever read this section the constitution is talking about?
Where are the rights of these fourteen students, a red cross volunteer and a three year old child who were brutally murdered in daylight without any hesitation?
  • Mr. President, are you going to give the same order to massacre them if your daughter Mariama Jammeh and your son Modou Lamin Jammeh are among the demonstrators?

Mrs/Miss Vice President, the statement you gave after those students were massacred, are those words your own words?

If those words are yours, will you still use the same words when those victims are your own children?

If does words are not yours, then who gave it to you?

Who commanded you to read it?

Is that statement match with the constitution?
May the souls of the victims of the april 10 and 11 rest in perfect peace and the souls of souls those past away before and after them.
Ameen
Source.www.kaironews.com

UDP Leader Unlocks Dangerous Links

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Lawyer Darboe Exposing the Dangerous links between Corruption and Pervasive Human Rights Abuse to the Growing Influence of Insecurity on Politics in West Africa
The leader of the United Democratic Party (UDP) Lawyer Ousainou Darboe has warned West African leaders to curb corruption and pervasive human rights abuse if they are to be successful in combating the growing insecurity in West Africa.
The UDP leader was speaking at a well-attended international confab of the Socialist International in the Malian capital Bamako on April 10th 2015 where he presented a paper on: The growing influence of insecurity on politics in West Africa: Unlocking the dangerous links between insecurity and transnational crime, corruption, lack of respect for human rights and democratic governance in the region.
 The UDP leader’s speech covered in detail, the underlining factors that promote insecurity in the region.
Insecurity fuelled by State sanctioned repression and rights abuses
Lawyer Darboe said in order to understand why there has been a rise in insecurity in West Africa, people have to look at the interconnectedness of other opportunistic factors that breed insecurity leading to their pervasive impact on politics generally.
He said “in many West African countries, there is hardly a distinction between the State and the ruling party. Quite often, ruling parties in their quest to remain in power, put in place deliberate policies in guise of protecting national security to systematically suppress dissent; muzzle freedom of expression and of the media; and deny citizens their basic and fundamental rights
“In some countries, a mere attempt by the opposition to organize political rallies at the very least, receive puzzle response from the authorities. In more severe cases, heavy handed security tactics are used to clamp down on the opposition as a deliberate ploy to distance the opposition from its constituent supporters” the UDP leader said.
He added that rule of law is also hardly respected characterized by a persistent disregard for the due process. “Electoral reforms that could bring about credible, transparent, free and fair elections are always frowned upon. Where they are put under pressure, ruling parties accept reforms that are only but cosmetic” Mr Darboe said attracting loud applause from the audience.
“In such situations distinguish ladies and gentlemen, resentments against the established order are strong that normally translates into violent conflict and confrontation” Mr Darboe said.
The Gambian opposition extol other African politicians the need to be proactive in speaking out against undemocratic tendencies of peers in government. Due to the lack of constructive peer criticism and flagging red warning alert, democracy is not firmly taking roots in the continent.
In the season of discussion where the topic is African problem needs African solution, Mr Darboe said it is a step in right direction. However, he added that small African countries and those without any natural resources are ignored and the plight of their suffering are left to themselves. In the Gambia, the opposition parties, the media and civil society are seen as enemies of the state rather than stakeholders in enhancing and entrenching democracy in the country Mr Darboe said..
The twin evils of poverty and corruption
The UDP leader also dwelled on what he called “the twin evils of poverty and corruption” that contribute greatly to insecurity in West Africa, thereby affecting peaceful political conduct. Lawyer Darboe said: “Mr Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, behind the competition for political dominance in the countries of West Africa, reveals some deep seated cowardly facades by the political class particularly those in charge of the nations’ coffers to perpetually keep the messes in poverty.
“Deliberately, some governments will even deny development programmes to their own citizens because they are deemed to be opposition supporters. In most of these communities, unemployment is unbearably high and they also lack the basic of opportunities. In addition, national resources are plundered and State coffers looted.”
He added that in a situation where people lack hope and opportunities, and are deliberately downtrodden, they resort to measures that could have profound consequence on peace and security talk less of peaceful politicking.
Thus, Lawyer said, “the twin evils of poverty and corruption that our governments continue to perpetuate, are important factors that we should not ignore when we discuss politics and insecurity in West Africa.”
Mr Darboe concluded by calling on the governments in the region and across Africa to effectively tackle the problem of insecurity while at the same time guaranteeing political freedoms of their citizens.
Ends

Friday, 10 April 2015

Didier Drogba opens first of five hospitals in Ivory Coast


Didier is coming good on his pledge

Former Ivory Coast international Didier Drogba has launched the first of the five hospitals he earlier promised to offer to the country as part of his charity activities.
Situated in the Attecoube district of the country’s commercial city Abidjan, the $1 million health complex will mainly cater for less privileged women and children, according to officials.
Built on a plot of 800 square meters, the hospital has many facilities including an ultrasound room, a maternal and child protection unit, an x-ray block, an ultra modern laboratory, a pharmacy and hospitalisation and isolation wards.
About 50,000 patients are expected to get treatment at the facility every year, according to Guy Roland Tanoh, secretary of Didier Drogba Foundation, which is handling the project.
The remaining four hospitals are under construction in the Ivorian cities of Yamoussoukro, San Pedro, Man and Korhogo and will be inaugurated in the coming months.
Drogba’s foundation will hold a gala event in London on April 18 to raise funds.
The Chelsea striker and the Elephants all-time top scorer remains an icon in his homeland despite retiring from the national team, which won the 2015 Africa Cup of Nations in Equatorial Guinea in February.
Source: Ghana/Joy Sports/Gary Al-Smith

Gambian Court Issues Arrest Warrants for Cherno Njie, 8 others


By Rohey Jadama
The High Court in Banjul, presided over by Justice Simeon A. Abi, hasCherno M. NjiePapa Faal
yesterday, April 8, 2015 issued arrest warrants for Cherno Njie and eight others who were all charged with multiple counts of treason, concealment of treason and offences relating to mutiny and aiding
abetting mutiny.The state was represented by S.H. Barkum, the Director of public
prosecution (DPP).
The nine accused persons are Cherno Njie, Mustapha Faal, Alh. Saidy
Barrow, Papa Faal, Baboucarr Bai Lowe, Musa Sarr, Landing Sonko, Lamin
Njie and Aisha Jallow.
In his ruling, the trial judge said in view of the application of theBai LoweAlagie Barrow
learned counsel, order is hereby made and directed to the Inspector General of Police (IGP), the Interpol and any other relevant security
or personnel to arrest the accused persons wherever they may be and produce them before the court and answer to the charges against them.
“This order shall serve as a warrant for any person who may come in
contact with any of the accused persons and hand over to the court or
the authority for prosecution,” ruled the judge.
The case was adjourned to 13th May for mention.
Count one is Treason which states that Cherno Njie, Mustapha Faal,
Alh. Saidy Barrow, Papa Faal, Baboucarr Bai Lowe,Musa Sarr, Landing
Sanko, Lamin Njie, Aisha Jallow and others on or about the 30th of
December 2014 at Banjul and other places in The Republic of The Gambia
and within the jurisdiction  of Court, prepared or endeavoured to
overthrow  the democratically elected Government of the Republic of
The Gambia by unlawful means to wit: coup d’etat and thereby committed
an offence.
Count two Treason, states Cherno Njie, Mustapha Faal, Alh. Saidy
Barrow, Papa Faal, Baboucarr Bai Lowe, Musa Sarr, Landing Sonko, Lamin
Njie, Aisha Jallow and others on or about the 30th of December 2014 at
Banjul and other places in The Republic of The Gambia and elsewhere,
conspired together to overthrow  the democratically elected Government
of the Republic of The Gambia by unlawful means to wit coup d’etat and
thereby committed an offence.
Count three Treason, states Cherno Njie, Mustapha Faal, Alh. Saidy
Barrow, Papa Faal, Baboucarr Bai Lowe, Musa Sarr, Landing Sanko, Lamin
Njie, Aisha Jallow and others at large, on or about the 30th of
December 2014 at Banjul and other places in The Republic of The Gambia
and within  the jurisdiction of Court, assisted Major  Lamin Sanneh
(deceased) and others to invade the Republic of The Gambia with an
armed forces and subjected the republic of The Gambia to an attack
with intent to overthrow the democratically elected Government of the
Republic of The Gambia by unlawful means to wit: coup d’etat and
thereby committed an offence.
Count four is Concealment of Treason  states that Lamin Njie, on
or about the 30th of December 2014 at Banjul and other places in The
Republic of The Gambia and elsewhere, knowing that former Major Lamin
Sanneh (deceased) and others intended to commit treason failed to give
information within all reasonable dispatch to a minister, magistrate,
a police officer or a member of the Armed Forces and thereby committed
an offence.
Count five is Concealment of Treason which states that  Lamin Njie on
or about the 30th of December 2014 at Banjul and other places in The
Republic of  The Gambia and abroad, knowing that  former Major Lamin
Sanneh (deceased) and others intended to commit treason failed to use
reasonable endeavour to prevent the commission of the offence and
thereby committed an offence.
Count six is Offences relating to mutiny which states that Cherno
Njie, Mustapha Faal, Alh. Saidy Barrow, Papa Faal, Baboucarr Bai Lowe,
Musa Sarr, Landing Sanko, Lamin Njie, Aisha Jallow and others, on or
about the 30th of December 2014 at Banjul and other places in The
Republic of The Gambia and elsewhere, conspired with former Major
Lamin Sanneh and others at large to overthrow the lawful authority in
The Gambia Armed Forces, to wit; the President and the Commander in
Chief of The Gambia Armed Forces by coup d’etat and thereby committed
an offence.
Count Seven is Mutiny which states that Cherno Njie, Mustapha Faal,
Alh. Saidy Barrow, Papa Faal, Baboucarr  Bai Lowe, Musa Sarr, Landing
Sanko, Lamin Njie, Aisha Jallow and others on or about the 30th of
December 2014 at Banjul and other places in The Republic of The Gambia
endeavoured to overthrow the lawful authority in The Gambia Armed
Forces, to wit; the President and the Commander in Chief of The Gambia
Armed Forces by coup d’etat and thereby committed an offence.
Finally, Count Eight is aiding and abetting Mutiny which states that Lamin
Njie on or about the 30th of December 2014 at Banjul and other places
in The Republic of The Gambia being aware that Capt. Lamin Sanneh
(deceased) and others were preparing to overthrow the lawful authority
in The Gambia Armed Forces, to wit; the President and the Commander in
Chief of The Gambia Armed Forces by coup d’etat improperly held
communication with them and thereby committed an offence.
Source. www.foroyaa.gm

Thursday, 9 April 2015

The Gambian Opposition: Some Honest Analysis Please

Alkali Conteh



















By Alkali Conteh
Growing up in Sabbach-Sanjal in the early 1960’s we witnessed the Gambia’s political climate beginning to shape up. As the powers in charge were determined to derail the efforts of the emerging political landscape to bring self rule to our nation, our people turned to the grassroots to fight for what was rightly ours. An unspoken phenomenon and less known connivance was the continuous attempt to disenfranchise all other citizens of the nation except for the colony to participate in elections. There was a well concocted scheme to exclude the rest of the country to participate in an election that will remain to be told in the historical precedence of the nation and for generations to come. The grassroots were mobilized to help take on the challenges the nation faced.
The different Rural groups like Burama Njie’s Society of Allen Street, the Jan Jang Bureh Society of New Street, Kombo-Nuimi Society, the Badibunka Kangbeng Kafo of Leman Street and other like-minded people came together forming the Protectorate Peoples Society PPS in a common course for rural enfranchisement and chose Sir Dawda as a leader.
The PPP fought for extending universal adult suffrage to the rest of the country. They went on to win for the country several laudable political statuses such as independence and republicanism. The rest is history that can neither be denied nor devalued.
Let us fast forward to 1994 and the entry of the military junta, and the subsequent emergence of the 2nd Republic and along with it the lifting of the ban on political parties in 1996. Older parties like P.P.P., N.C.P. and P.D.O.I.S. re-grouped and launched their efforts to reform; and newer ones emerged in likes of A.P.R.C., U.D.P., N.R.P. and much later, G.P.D.P., N.D.A.M. and G.M.C. Both the P.P.P’s and N.C.P’s attempts to rejuvenate were not quite successful.
Going by the results of the 1996 elections (and every election thereafter), the Gambian people have accorded the U.D.P. the enviable and much appreciated status of being the second strongest party in the country, followed by N.R.P. and P.D.O.I.S. respectively. The parties’ ranking remained so. Are these facts irrelevant? No. Did these achievements emerged out of the woods? Again, No is the answer. What led to these and other political gains by the opposition parties is a series of political planning, programming, activities, and events such as putting in place an organizational structure, grassroots mobilizations, political rallies wherein the party/parties presented themselves as alternatives to the A.P.R.C. government. For over 18 years, the U.D.P., N.R.P. and P.D.O.I.S. organized such campaign rallies and events where (we will all acknowledge) they did not praise Yahya Jammeh, but to the contrary. These parties travelled the length and breadth of the country to interact and exchange views with the electorate. They attacked the regime’s records openly and very boldly from human rights, the absence of the rule of law to her failed economic programs.
To the pundits none of these are anywhere near the benchmark of deserving their thumbs-up. Now enter the P.P.P. in holding its first political event in nearly 20 years and the whole crowd erupts into a jubilant acknowledgement and tacit approval. As if that is not enough, they proceed further to “damn’ any of the other parties for failing to show up so as to register their solidarity with the P.P.P. Above all, the pundits’ are insinuating this event to be the official beginning of the long awaited unity of the opposition parties. My question to them is:
Where was the P.P.P. when U.D.P. celebrated her 18th anniversary? Nowhere, even though they were invited.
And what analysis did our pundits draw out of this? “Nothing big”, after all. In fact some discount it as irrelevant as any such consideration or argument will only lead one to a “tit-for-tat” behaviour. This logic smacks of either intellectual dishonesty, or, contextual myopia or outright bias.
I wish to remind our pundits out there that sincerity and honesty ought to be their driving stick. Politics is an enterprise where numbers are the key variables or ingredients. If you are calling for unity of the opposition parties on honest and realistic grounds, do not try to invent a new argument. The format is simple; the principle has been proven several times in different countries and continents over and over. Opposition Unity, coalition or alliance (you call it what you may) have in most cases always been based on a party-led format. The party with the greatest number LEADS. What else can you argue for?
The Gambian Diaspora has a significant role to play in strengthening pro-democratic gains. However, what the Gambian Diaspora cannot do is be the catalyst for creating and attempting to promote false narrative on social media and online radios ever ready to temporarily indulge the very increasing urge for information or hearing debates.
The UDP regularly transverses the four corners of the Gambia with its youth leaders, women groups and the senior members to renew the call for people to be politically aware and alert to avert attempts by the regime in power to undermine a strong opposition base. All the efforts the UDP party is doing is practical political works that do not necessarily have to get media attention, since some may pretend but are aware of the reactions of the regime in power to UDP activities. Since 1996, UDP supporters have been arrested and prosecuted more than any other registered political party in The Gambia. Clear and very distinct cases are those of Kanyibaa Kanyi, Wassa Janneh, the late Shingle Nyassi, Sarjo Kunjang Sanneh and more recently Amadou Sanneh in October of 2013; the illegal detention and unsubstantiated charges against Ebrima Solo Sandeng; the arrest and detention of the militant youth group that became known as the UDP-14; and not to forget Alasana Jobarteh, whose arrest and charges emanated from his performance and delivery at a joint opposition/CORDEG event. The latter’s case was fought by a UDP legal team and his D50,000.00 fine was raised exclusively by UDP militants’ contributions (with one exception of a non-UDP contributor).
Dictatorial governments cannot be compared to even the most toothless democratic administration. The Gambian opposition have been blamed and compared to Senegalese opposition and now even Nigerian opposition parties. These out of place comparisons are as if we have forgotten, Senegal is not rule by one man relying on the long arms of the brutal laws, and the heavy weight of the security infrastructure.
Therefore, the hatred for the UDP is not enough to attempt to navigate around it in a Gambian political discourse. The UDP has networks all around the country, and conducts their activities with the party supporters’ assistance. Yes, the UDP does not romance the media as many would want. This is because the UDP believes, honesty and integrity in politics should not be falsely misconstrued. The UDP believes that, grassroots advocacy, the security and personal safety of its activities and militants must be at the centre of all its media activity.
We argued for a fair and balance media discourse on our difficult political existence and how to map out a way forward.
Ends
source.www.kaironews.com